Prognosticators, pontificators and pundits across the political spectrum predict that, no matter the outcome of the November elections, grinding out any new laws in the next Congress will be especially difficult. The 24/7 news cycle, the “gotcha” politics of personal destruction, and the collective eyes on the big prize in 2012 will all make bipartisan lawmaking as likely as a natural reversal of global warming. With a subject as contentious as immigration, the prospect of comprehensive or piecemeal legislative reform is even more improbable.

What else can politicians do when lawmaking is nigh impossible? They can issue subpoenas, convene hearings, take testimony and investigate real or perceived wrongdoing, while calling malfeasants discovered in the process to account.

The universe of potential subjects of investigation is immense. The Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs has the “duty” (among others) to study “the efficiency, economy, and effectiveness of all agencies and departments of the [Federal] Government” and evaluate “the effects of laws enacted to reorganize the legislative and executive branches.” The House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform is that chamber’s principal investigative arm. It is authorized to investigate “any federal program and any matter with federal policy implications.”

As fingernails are chewed to the quick while awaiting the citizenry’s November 2 decision, those who would lead the Senate and House government oversight committees should pass the time pondering the following non-exhaustive list of suggested immigration-related questions for their respective committees to investigate. (Please tweet me any questions that I may have omitted at @angelopaparelli, and I’ll post a supplemental list.)

Department of Justice

  • What tangible progress has been made in improving due process and the just and efficient administration of the Immigration Courts?
  • Why has the inventory of cases awaiting resolution by the Immigration Courts reached a record high of 247,922 in June 2010?
  • What steps have the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR) and Homeland Security’s police agency, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), taken to resolve these problems?
  • Have conditions of foreign citizens in immigration detention improved or worsened since the New York Times and various advocacy groups reported on the deplorable treatment of detainees earlier this year?
  • What steps are the EOIR and the DOJ taking to address the special needs of the more than 8,000 unaccompanied foreign children per year who are placed into immigration custody?
  • How much does immigration detention and removal cost American taxpayers, and has the money been well spent?
  • Why has the Attorney General not taken a more active role in exercising the power given under the Immigration and Nationality Act to resolve immigration-related legal issues, and why has he routinely deferred instead to the Departments of Homeland Security, State and Labor.

Department of Labor

  • Why does the Department of Labor (DOL) — as a prerequisite to issuing a labor certification — require employers to prove a negative (the absence of available U.S. workers) when the Bureau of Labor Statistics is far better qualified to determine labor market unavailability?
  • Why has the DOL failed to implement a Labor Market information Pilot Program to define up to 10 occupational classifications in which there are labor shortage, a program authorized by the Immigration Act of 1990 as an alternative to the labor-market test under the agency’s PERM program?
  • How does DOL justify the cruel hoax that the labor certification process (a theoretical labor market “test“) perpetrates on U.S. workers who desperately seek employment?
  • To what extent has DOL’s elimination of the role of the 50 State Workforce Agencies in determining the local prevailing wage improved the accuracy and speed of wage determinations, lowered the cost or enhanced the operations of the H-1B, H-2A, H-2B and permanent labor certification programs?
  • What is DOL doing to reduce the processing backlogs and delays associated with its PERM labor certification audits and its supervised recruitment programs, that now take years to complete?
  • How much do the foreign worker labor certification and labor attestation programs cost American taxpayers, and has DOL spent the money wisely?

Department of State

 

  • In what measurable ways, has the implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding between the State Department and the Department of Homeland Security made America more safe from security and terrorist threats?
  • Does the State Department’s reliance on its historic extraordinary powers over the issuance or refusal of visas (e.g., subjectively-applied and arbitrary grounds of visa refusal, lack of transparency, nonreviewability of visa refusals by the courts, authority to refuse or revoke visas without explanation of the reasons why, protection from disclosure of records, lack of attorney representation at consular posts) materially hurt America’s reputation as a country committed to the rule of law, substantially hinder the entry of law-abiding foreign citizens to the U.S. or create ill will toward America among the citizens of foreign nations?
  • What has State done to improve the operation of the online visa application system that has been plagued by software glitches(Form DS-160)?
  • Why aren’t Visa Office Advisory Opinions published so that the public can gain insight into the requirements of the immigration laws as interpreted by State?
  • Why has State not implemented better, more efficient and less expensive ways to reduce the cost to American taxpayers and improve the operation of the visa system than those now in place (e.g., video-recording of consular interviews rather than the building of expensive consular posts)?
  • Why hasn’t State more frequently exercised its discretionary power to waive a visa applicant’s physical presence in the consular district and instead resume the former practice of visa reissuance in the U.S. (this would cause suspected terrorists and criminals who apply for visas to be immediately arrested and prosecuted by the Justice Department rather than be allowed to escape apprehension or oppose extradition in a foreign country)?

 

Department of Homeland Security

  • Why has ICE declined to investigate and prosecute most cases of immigration-benefits fraud even though the Homeland Security Act (HSA) tasks it with this responsibility?
  • What steps has ICE taken to improve the accuracy of E-Verify and make it less prone to evasion by identity thieves and fraudsters?
  • What steps has ICE taken to reduce the number of E-Verify “Tentative” and “Final” Non-Confirmations that improperly inconvenience lawfully authorized workers or deprive them of the right to work?
  • What metrics can ICE produce to show the effectiveness of its current I-9 enforcement strategies?
  • What studies has ICE conducted to determine the feasibility of alternative measures to enforce the immigration laws against persons or entities who employ workers while knowing of their unauthorized status?
  • What specific progress has U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) made to enhance border security and prevent illegal entries, and how much has it cost and will it cost American taxpayers?
  • Has CBP responsibly exercised its authority to order expedited removal without judicial review or has the agency unjustly deported significant numbers foreign citizens for reasons not grounded in law?
  • Has CBP engaged in illegal profiling by country of nationality when seeking to identify immigration-related violators, as suggested by incidents this year at the Newark airport port of entry involving Indian foreign workers (AILA document 10020237)?
  • What protections has CBP put into place to assure that constitutional rights are not violated when searching laptops, cell phones and thumb drives at ports of entry and border posts?
  • What is U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) doing to eliminate or minimize the inherent tension and conflicting missions that originated with the legacy agency (Immigration and Naturalization Service [INS]) and still persists between benefits adjudication (the work of district and regional offices) and law enforcement (the activities of its Fraud Detection and National Security Directorate [FDNS])?
  • By what legal authority does FDNS investigate civil and criminal violations of the immigration laws in the guise of performing “administrative inquiries” even though the HSA places this responsibility exclusively on ICE and CBP?
  • To what extent does FDNS deprive petitioners and applicants for immigration benefits of the right to counsel by conducting surprise site visits of parties represented by counsel?
  • Have lawyers in the USCIS Office of Chief Counsel expressly approved FDNS’s administrative inquiries, notwithstanding the ethics rule in all 50 states that prohibits an attorney from engaging in direct or indirect communications with a represented party?
  • Why has the Administrative Appeals Office (AAO) failed to reduce its longstanding backlogs that now exceed one year in temporary worker cases and two years in green card cases?
  • Does the AAO, an administrative tribunal, merely interpret and apply the law or also formulate immigration policies?
  • Does the AAO engage in any ex parte communications with other units of USCIS in reaching its decisions or does it abide by the usual prohibitions against unilateral tribunal contact with only one party to a proceeding?
  • What were the root causes of the adjustment of status (AOS) “surge” in the summer of 2007 that required an unprecedented 30-day extension to file for AOS despite an unavailable immigrant visa quota and what has been done to prevent a recurrence?
  • Why has USCIS repeatedly failed to fully utilize the annual allotment of immigrant visas, thereby causing hundreds of thousands of green card opportunities to be lost due to bureacratic delays at the close of successive fiscal years?
  • Why has USCIS failed to regularly engage in notice and comment rulemaking and publish proposed new rules on statutes that have existed for several years, e.g., the American Competitiveness in the Twenty-First Century Act of 2000 (AC21) and the American Competitiveness and Workforce Improvement Act of 1998 (ACWIA)?
  • What measures has USCIS adopted to sanction Immigration Officers who flout agency policy?
  • Has the USCIS considered the adverse effect of its use of Requests for Additional Evidence and its soon-to-be adopted VIBE program on business petitioners, especially on small businesses and startup entities?
  • Why has USCIS not developed and published a comprehensive policy and procedure for determining the continuity of employment authorization, the preservation of pending immigrant visa eligibility across all immigrant and nonimmigrant employment-based visa categories, and eligibility for successorship in interests in situations involving mergers, acquisitions, spinoffs and other forms of corporate restructuring?
  • Has the immigration user-fee system of funding USCIS operations proven sufficient to maintain homeland security and a functioning benefits-adjudication system during times of low demand, or, must governmental appropriations be increased to provide a consistent base level of funding?
  • Why has the USCIS Office of the Ombudsman not established representative offices in each of the 50 states as authorized by law?
  • Why has the USCIS Office of Transformation shown so little visible progress even though “Transformation” has been an initiative of legacy INS and USCIS for decades (e.g., why can’t supporting evidence be submitted electronically with e-filed applications and why must foreign citizens repeatedly submit to the retaking of unchanging fingerprints when port-of-entry fingerprint scanning has been in place for years)?

* * *

The foregoing are but a few questions that our congressional Oversight Committees should ask. American taxpayers have for too long been the unfortunate “beneficiaries” of our dysfunctional immigration system. If laws cannot be passed to improve the system, then Congress and the Executive Branch must work together to identify and eliminate the waste, inefficiencies, blunders, and law violations that plague the existing immigration system. A Nation of Immigrants must demand nothing less.

 

What happens when the laws of America clash with the laws of physics? In the Never-Never Land of Immigration, the natural laws of physics must defer to human-made law. This is the absurd answer of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Status (USCIS), the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) and the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit (CA5) in its Sept. 29 decision, Bokhari v. Holder.

The case involves the interpretation of a USCIS regulation, 8 C.F.R. § 274a.12(b)(20), which came into being because of the problems caused by bureaucratic delay. The regulation allows the automatic grant of work permission for up to 240 days whenever the employer of a foreign citizen (who derives legal status under one of a large number of work visa categories) files a timely application to extend the worker’s right to remain in the country. Because it necessarily takes time for USCIS and its predecessor, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), to decide whether to grant the employer’s request, 8 C.F.R. § 274a.12(b)(20) allows the preservation of the status quo. As long as the agency takes under 240 days to decide the request to extend the period of authorized stay, the employer may continue employing the worker, and the worker may remain lawfully employed — and everyone is happy.

Everyone, that is, except USCIS. The agency would have us believe (and the BIA and CA5 agree) that the right to work in this country does not entail the right to be physically present in the United States. Bokhari v. Holder thus holds that any foreign citizen who works after the initial period of authorized stay expires — while a lawfully and timely filed application to remain longer is pending — has the right to work in this country but not the right to be here. Thus, any foreign worker so foolish as to trust the regulation — the CA5 concludes — may be denied a green card for lawfully working here while displaying the effrontery to be here without “status.”

Perhaps USCIS has a special distinction in mind that would harmonize the laws of physics and the agency’s own regulation: human levitation. By hovering a few feet above the ground, the law-compliant foreign citizen could work “in” (albeit in the airspace of) the U.S. without being “on” U.S. soil.

Should Bokhari v. Holder ever reach the Supreme Court, it will be fascinating to see USCIS try to persuade the nine Justices that work permission does not include legal status. Surely, agency lawyers would cite the reputed origin of the power to levitate, the “unified field” of quantum mechanics,”the fundamental nonchanging field of life . . . [that] is eternal, unbounded, beyond space and time, wherein are contained all possibilities. . . . the unmanifested field of pure potentiality from where all force and matter fields emerge.” In further support for its reading of 8 C.F.R. § 274a.12(b)(20), USCIS could refer the Court to the cases of other noteworthy “levitants” who — had they been lawfully admitted to the U.S. — would have been in legal immigration status, such as St. Joseph of Cupertino (“the Flying Friar”), Yogi Millarepa (a 13th Century Tibetan mystic), and more recently, “Yoda” of Star Wars.

Perhaps before Bokhari v. Holder reaches the Supremes, however, careful USCIS “administrative inquiry” — the euphemism for “investigation” favored by the agency’s Fraud Detection and National Security (FDNS) directorate — might call into question even this elevated form of attempted law obeisance, as this BBC clip suggests.

Or, more plausibly, other federal courts might make a better, more “grounded” decision. They could adopt the reasoning of El Badrawy v. Dept. of Homeland Security. In this federal district court decision, the judge rightly determined that legal immigration status necessarily inheres in the grant of permission to work in the United States.

Still, those who try to reconcile natural physical laws and our artificially constructed immigration laws may wonder how the high-flying decision in Bokhari v. Holder came to rise in prominence. Perhaps a plausible answer lies in the September 27 issue of the Orange County Business Journal, which lists the “Best Places to Work” and cites as number 10 the USCIS “California Service Center” — with its 1% turnover rate — an employer offering, among other employee enticements, “onsite gym membership” featuring as one of its offerings the ancient healing art of “yoga.” This supposition is surely no less implausible than the strained and ethereal distinction in Bokhari v. Holder between the vaporous grant of work permission and the landed right of physical presence.

Dear Stephen,

I’ve been letter-writing lately on immigration — to Glenn Beck and to the Editor of The New York Times. As a loyal American and a citizen of ColbertNation, it’s high time I correspond with you.

I’m writing to applaud your appearance before the House Judiciary Committee during “Protect Our Harvest,” the Immigration Subcommittee hearing on Sept. 24. I leave it to others to decide if your first formal appearance in Congress outdid your hosting of the 2006 White House Correspondents Dinner, but — in my view — you definitely gave farm-worker immigration the Colbert Bump. Your prepared remarks for the record were very good, but your live testimony was outstanding. You certainly know how to fill a hearing room (one representative noted that the House hadn’t seen such a crowd since the impeachment hearings).

Predictably, narrow-minded observers in the media and the world of politics have criticized your testimony as a comedic stunt and waste of taxpayer dollars, even going so far as to demand that you apologize to the American people! How little do these critics understand history.

You showed your cred as a master historian, reminding the legislators that “it was the ancient Israelites who built the first food pyramids.” Beyond your knowledge of American history, you also know well the wisdom of the ancient Romans, including the poet and writer, Decimus Iunius Iuvenalis, known by more juvenile students as Juvenal. As you know, he coined the term, panem et circenses (bread and circuses), the time-tested, if cynical, observation that the best way to govern is to appease people with food and entertainment.

You did both:

  1. You gave us entertainment (asking why scientists can’t grow vegetables that pick themselves since the “genetic engineers over at Fruit of the Loom have made great strides in human-fruit hybrids“).
  2. You also offered sustenance. In the run-up to your testimony, as one of 16 fearless Americans, you accepted the “Take Our Jobs” challenge of the United Farm Workers. You worked for an entire back-breaking day on an American farm, picking beans (something you noted that even the “invisible hand” doesn’t want to do) and packing ears of corn — to be turned into high-fructose corn syrup, an ingredient in virtually all the pablum that most Americans eat.

Describing the experience, tears came to your eyes, as you said:

I started my workday with preconceived notions of migrant labor, but after working with these men and women picking beans, packing corn for hours on end side by side in the unforgiving sun, I have to say — and I do mean this sincerely — please don’t make me do this again. It is really, really hard work.

You also offered a way out of the controversy:

Maybe we could offer more visas to the immigrants who, let’s face it, would probably be doing these jobs anyway. And this improved legal status might allow immigrants recourse if they’re abused. . . . [It] just stands to reason to me that if your co-worker can’t be exploited, then you’re less likely to be exploited yourself. . . . [That] itself might improve pay and working conditions on these farms, and eventually Americans may consider taking these jobs again.

In reply to a question, you explained your underlying motivation for offering testimony:

I like talking about people who don’t have any power and it just seems like one of the least powerful people in the United States are migrant workers who come and do our work but don’t have any rights as a result. And yet we still invite them to come here, and at the same time ask them to leave. . . .

‘Whatsoever you do for the least of my brothers [quoting Jesus]’, and these seem like the least of our brothers right now. . . A lot of people are least brothers right now because the economy’s so hard and I don’t want to take anyone’s hardship away from them or diminish anything like that, but migrant workers suffer and have no rights.

I agreed with you when you also testified that “Americans are tough.” But toughness alone won’t put food on our tables or keep fruit and vegetables from rotting unpicked.

AgJOBS, the Agricultural Job Opportunities, Benefits and Security Act, will get our produce to market and to table. Although you didn’t read it, AgJOBS, a bill pending over several sessions of Congress, is now languishing as S. 1038 and H. 2414. Tamar Jacoby of ImmigrationWorksUSA has explained the need for AgJOBS in a letter to its lead sponsor in the Senate, Diane Feinstein:

Fewer and fewer Americans are interested in farm jobs. The vast majority of farm workers are foreign-born. And by helping to keep American agriculture afloat, this foreign labor force sustains literally millions of farm-dependent jobs in other sectors of the U.S economy. The problem is that the existing channel for seasonal farm workers to enter the country legally is far from adequate – it supplies workers to fill only two to four percent of available job opportunities. And as a result, the vast majority of foreign farm workers in the U.S. are believed to be unauthorized.

The beauty of AgJOBS is that it addresses this problem both retroactively and by looking forward. It alleviates the risk and instability that growers and farm workers face now – and promises an adequate future flow of needed farm labor by reforming the dysfunctional H-2A [temporary agricultural worker] program.

All of us know the sad legacy of the Bracero Program. The ending of that effort in 1964, however, did not solve the migrant labor shortage. While you continue offering us your evening circuses, please continue helping to make sure that the politicians finally deliver the bread.

Your fan,

 

Angelo A. Paparelli

Blogger, www.NationOfImmigrators.com

p.s. If you want to know more about our dysfunctional immigration system, invite me on your show.

 

Dear Glenn:

I’ve never communicated with you before, but something you said recently prompts me to write.

I saw you on C-SPAN during your August 28 Restoring Honor event at the National Mall in Washington. Like many others, I was pleasantly surprised that you turned away from politics and focused instead on time-honored moral and religious values.

You spoke about reading the biblical story of David and Goliath with your five-year-old son and exclaiming, “Wow, what a hero he is!” To your son, however, David was not a hero because he “can’t fly” and doesn’t “wear a cape.” You then “realized” that “we’ve lost too many heroes in this nation” and that “heroes are just people who . . . at their own peril . . . stand and do the right thing.”

You also spoke admiringly of the military, America’s fighting men and women, your heroes, who are at the top of the list of those whom America trusts, “15 points higher” than the next most trusted group. You asked people on the Mall and across the land to contribute money to the Special Operations Foundation — an organization that, according to the SOF website, “provides full scholarship grants and educational and family counseling to the surviving children of special operations personnel who die in operational or training missions”

You may not know, but there is another group of unsung heroes, the Immigration Innocents, young persons (brought here illegally by their parents or made to remain longer than the law allowed) who would immensely benefit the nation by participating in military service or pursuing higher education. Indeed, the Immigration Innocents wish to enlist, and the the armed forces welcome them in furtherance of America’s strategic goal of maintaining “a mission-ready All Volunteer Force.” Yet they are barred by law from joining our valiant service men and women whom you (and I) so sincerely acclaim as heroes.

Congress will vote soon on an amendment to the Department of Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2011 that would solve the problem. Known as the Dream Act, the measure is the same proposal you railed against in 2007 when you were still at CNN. You said then that, while you “love immigrants,” you have problems with those who sneak in and with legislators who pass bills “when nobody’s looking.” You added: “Me personally, I care about security first. Why don’t we patch the holes and put fences on our borders? Milk before meat, Washington.”

Perhaps it’s time for you to reconsider. The non-partisan Pew Hispanic Center has reported that illegal entries at the border are sharply down since the middle of the decade. Better yet, the Homeland Security Department has already deployed aerial drones, marshaled troops and taken many other steps to improve border security. Congress has also strongly reinforced the integrity of our borders with a $600 million supplemental appropriation.

Well, having drunk some milk, maybe it’s time for meat. You’ve spoken reverently about your devotion to the Bible, your affirmation that Jesus is your lord and savior, and the wisdom of the Founding Fathers.

I suspect you know what the Bible says in the Book of Lamentations 5:7: “Our fathers sinned . . . It is we who have borne their iniquities.” As I’m sure you’re also aware, the Bible describes the Massacre of the Innocents in the Gospel of Matthew 2:16-18, and tells how Herod ordered far-reaching male infanticide in Bethlehem after hearing the Magi report that a newborn King of the Jews hailed from that village. Even Euripides, the polytheist and Greek playwright, regrettably recognized: “The gods visit the sins of the fathers upon the children.”

Yet the signers of the U.S. Constitution, in Art.3, s.3, n.2, wisely took steps to put a halt to the practice of unjustly hurting innocent offspring. They prohibited any bill of attainder that would “work the corruption of blood,” the imposition of penalties on the innocent children of treasonous parents.

So, Glenn, maybe it’s time for you to reconsider your opposition to the Dream Act, just like you recently regretted your criticism of the President as a racist who harbors a deep seated hatred of white people (“I have a big fat mouth sometimes and I say things. . . . [that’s] just not the way people should behave”). Perhaps, you can look and listen here to the brave heroes who risk deportation for the fundamental right to live and thrive, pursuing the American Dream, in the country of their youth. Maybe you’ll join with General Colin Powell, no less a patriot and supporter of the military, when he says:

Immigration is what’s keeping this country’s lifeblood moving forward . . . America is going to be a minority nation in one more generation. Our minorities are not getting educated well enough now. Fifty percent of our minority kids are not finishing high school. We’ve got to invest in education. We should use the DREAM Act as one way to do it.

Glenn, this time everyone’s looking. Many people listen to you. You have the power to persuade the naysayers to reverse course. Help save the Immigration Innocents by supporting the Dream Act.

As a Christian, I ask you: What would Jesus do?

James Carville’s famous snowclone on how to win an election — “It’s the economy, stupid!”— has new, very buff legs. With the traditional Labor Day launch of campaign season just six days ago, the American people have already witnessed the fur of political charges and countercharges flying. The 24/7 news cycle and the ocean of tweets, blogs and YouTube videos reveal a viral debate over which of the two parties is most responsible for the lingering frailty of the economy and the blight of persistent joblessness.

Ruling out a fight for another massive stimulus bill, President Obama has opted for small-scale measures to help businesses gain the temerity to hire again. The GOP –- confident of an election landslide ahead -– espouses a permanent extension of the Bush tax cuts (subliminally if not overtly concluding that “deficits don’t matter”).

Meantime, America continues its slide from the economic pinnacle. The World Economic Forum reports that the U.S. is now ranked behind the three S’s (Switzerland, Sweden and Singapore) in the WEF’s “Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011.” And unlike past recessions, IT jobs will not lead the way because these jobs increasingly are moving offshore, as the New York Times reported in a Sept. 6 front-page story:

“There’s been this assumption that there’s a global hierarchy of work, that all the high-end service work, knowledge work, R.&D. work would stay in U.S., and that all the lower-end work would be transferred to emerging markets,” said Hal Salzman, a public policy professor at Rutgers and a senior faculty fellow at Heldrich Center for Workforce Development. “That hierarchy has been upset, to say the least,” he said. “More and more of the innovation is coming out of the emerging markets, as part of this bottom-up push.”

While politicians debate such vacuous notions as excising birthright citizenship from the 14th Amendment, a few followers of the dismal science are pointing to legal immigration (including a penalty-laden legalization of unauthorized migrants) as the way forward. So writes Slate‘s James Ledbetter in “Give Us Your Tired, Your Poor. Really. We Mean It. Economists are making the case politicians are afraid to: Immigration is great for the U.S”:

Pro-immigration arguments are booming, and reached a zenith this week with the publication of a paper by the San Francisco Federal Reserve Bank, arguing among other things that immigrants, despite popular misconception, do not displace American workers. This has led a number of economic bloggers to make the very rational argument that one of the best things America could do now to fix our sagging economy is to encourage more people to come here and work. According to the econo-blogosphere lately, immigration is a cure-all for America’s economic ills.

Ledbetter offers three reasons why immigration promotes prosperity: (1) Immigrants create demand for housing (“[e]xpand the number of [H-1B] visas granted, make them contingent on buying a house, and the newcomers will make a fast and substantial dent in the glutted market”); (2) they can be the necessary replacement workers as Boomers retire (as they contribute vastly more to Social Security than they receive); and (3) they pump the economy.

Our history teaches that immigration brings new ideas and energies and drive. A new book by Richard Herman and Robert L. Smith, Immigrant, Inc.: Why Immigrant Entrepreneurs Are Driving the New Economy, explains why it’s important for Americans to “Think Like an Immigrant.” Immigrants, Herman and Smith note, bring a “culture of entrepreneurship that stems from education, thrift, family loyalty and ambition.”

Even the field of psychology, with research derived from Cradles of Eminence, a study of the childhoods of 700 prominent high-achievers, is offering its own take on why immigrants help our economy:

Creative people are complex, meaning that they see the world from multiple perspectives. This is an adaptive response to complex inputs during childhood. We are all constantly trying to make sense of the world we live in and the more complex our experiences, the more challenging this proves to be. This challenge is the key to creativity

Biographically speaking, creative people have a foot in two camps. In the U.S., for example, immigrants are seven times more likely to excel in creative fields compared to individuals whose families have lived here for generations

So as Congress reconvenes this week and prioritizes its short-term, pre-election “To-Do” list, here’s hoping it will take another look at immigration, not as every pol’s favorite whipping boy, but as the engine of job-creation and renewed economic vitality that it truly is.

Let’s resume our journey along the road where the arts intersect with America’s dysfunctional immigration system. (Previous blog stops en route are posted here and here.) Two weeks ago, USCIS made news when it reportedly held up the approval of a visa petition for America’s Got Talent judge, Piers Morgan, thus requiring Larry King to extend his term as CNN evening host until November.

Today, we learn from The New York Times that a U.S. consular officer apparently caused the renowned German director Peter Stein to withdraw last July from a major Metropolitan Opera production of Boris Godunov, an operatic masterpiece by Russian composer Modest Mussorgsky. Although the show will go on with another director, the damage to America’s reputation by an intemperate consular officer remains. Here is how director Stein, a septuagenarian, describes his encounter with the U.S. visa man (as reported by The New York Times):

In June [Stein] went to the [U.S.] consulate in Berlin for a work visa for the Met job and was forced, he said, to stand for hours in a stifling room with 50 other visa applicants. When he finally reached the consular official, “He said to me, ‘Why don’t you laugh?'” Mr. Stein recounted. “I said, ‘I stay here for two and a half hours standing and I am an old man.'” The officer replied, “‘In this case you will not have a visa,’ and sent me away,” Mr. Stein said. Mr. Stein said the experience left him humiliated and deeply offended.

The Met ultimately flew an employee to Berlin to facilitate issuance of Stein’s work visa, but even with visa in hand, the consular encounter apparently traumatized the director, leaving him “‘terrified and demotivated’ out of fear that a similar incident could occur in the United States.”

The NYT did not report the identity of the seemingly ageist consular officer or suggest that the State Department did or should discipline him for what appeared to be an illegal visa refusal based on senior-citizen status (or perhaps other equally unlawful grounds to deny a visa, such as Stein’s failure to smile or his complaint about long waiting periods, inadequate seating or lack of ventilation in the consulate’s waiting area).

Rarely does the public hear about visa refusals based on clearly unlawful criteria such as race, ethnicity or national origin, even though many have decried the invidious racial and ethnic profiling that Arizona’s SB1070 would have required had a federal court not placed most of the AZ law under preliminary injunction. One unforgettable opportunity to peak behind the purdah of consular operations is a 1997 case, Olsen v. Albright, in which Federal Judge Stanley Sporkin lambasted the State Department for its institutionalized practices of discriminating against a wide array of groups and nationalities. Readers, I hope, will indulge me the following extended quote from Judge Sporkin’s decision, which found unlawful a consular manual distributed throughout American visa posts in Brazil:

The Consulate had established various policies which all officers were required to follow in adjudicating eligibility for nonimmigrant visas. Some of the policies focused on the applicant’s physical appearance and economic status. According to the Consulate’s manual: It is helpful to circle doubtful items on the [visa application form] so that other officers have an idea of why the applicant was g-ed [Blogger’s note: This is probably a reference to Immigration and Nationality Act § 221(g), a catch-all ground of visa refusal]. Officers sometimes use abbreviations on the forms: RK = Rich kid LP = Looks poor TP = Talks poor LR = Looks rough TC = Take care . . . Some of the stated reasons for the denial of visas included: “Slimy looking[;] wears jacket on shoulders w/ earring,” . . . “LP. . . “LP!!!!!,” . . . (emphasis in original); “LR”. . . (emphasis in original); “Look Really Poor,”. . . “L[ooks] Scary,” . . . “Bad Appearance. Talks POOR,” . . . (emphasis in original); and “Looks + talks poor.” Id.

In addition to the codes based on physical appearance and economic status, the Consulate’s policies focused on the race, ethnicity, place of birth, and national origin of applicants. For example, the Consulate’s manual provided: KOREAN/CHINESE FRAUD Major fraud; hard to check. In general, they are almost always called for an interview. Visas are rarely issued to these groups unless they have had previous visas and are older.. . .

The manual also distinguished among applicants based on place of birth within Brazil. After identifying various cities “known for fraud” — most of them with predominantly black populations — the manual states: “anyone born in these locations is suspect unless older, well-traveled, etc.” . . . In addition to the manual, an April 1993 memorandum distributed to the consulates in Brazil states in pertinent part: “Arab and Chinese last names set off bells and whistles, regardless of what passport/nationality they may have.” . . .

The memorandum further states that “it is very easy to assume a false identity in Brazil and obtain a genuine passport and nationality and other documents. Most Brazilians have no interest in doing so, but Arabs and Chinese are two groups to worry about.” . . .

According to Consular Section Head Patricia Murphy: “Another body of guidelines is not post-specific but nationality-specific[.] [F]or example, Filipinos and Nigerians have high fraud rates, and their applications should be viewed with extreme suspicion, while British and Japanese citizens rarely overstay, and generally require less scrutiny.” . . .

Regrettably for most refused visa applicants who lack the notoriety and influence of a Peter Stein, arbitrary consular decisions to deny a visa are virtually impossible to overturn. This is the way the Congress, the State Department, the Department of Homeland Security (which now has the authority to deny a visa that a consul would grant) want the consular-visa system to operate.

The Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), as interpreted by the courts, has enshrined in law “doctrines” of “consular nonreviewability” and “consular secrecy” (INA § 222(f) [8 U.S.C. § 1202(f)]) that in virtually all instances deprive the public, the courts and stakeholders (foreign visa applicants and their American sponsors) of a means to hold consular officers accountable. The interests of fair process, impartial consideration, respectful treatment, government transparency, the cultivation of a favorable opinion of the U.S. among citizens of other countries, and the application of solely lawful grounds to grant or deny a visa — all of these are thrown under the bus (as I’ve noted here, here and here).

Just maybe, however, the law of unintended consequences will do what generations of immigration lawyers have failed to accomplish. Consular officers may soon have their interview colloquies with visa applicants recorded, if a bill (approved by the Senate Appropriations Committee last month and espoused by the travel industry becomes law). While only visa applicants will be videotaped, the interrogating voices of U.S. consular officials will at last be recorded. Thus, with no small measure of irony, high-fidelity sound, a form of the electronic arts, may create higher-fidelity adherence by U.S. consular officers to the rule of law and fair play on the visa stage.

——–

“I’m having to deal with the reality of what is. You can’t wish it away. What is, is.” So says a glum Ohio Democrat, Governor Ted Strickland, according to reporter Laura Meckler in this weekend’s edition of The Wall St. Journal (“Democrats Face Economic Facts: Updraft Unlikely“). Meckler’s article reports on the prospect that Democrats “will lose their majority in the House,” citing two nonpartisan election handicappers, the Rothenberg Political Report and the Cook Political Report.

What would shared power portend for immigration reform if the GOP took control of one or both houses of Congress? Before that question can be answered, Republicans must first resolve conflicting policy arguments among themselves.

Last night, conservative talk show host Laura Ingraham (and Kerry-like flip-flopper, “I was for the Ground Zero Mosque before I was against it“) subbing for the eponymous host of the O’Reilly Factor, highlighted the tensions on immigration within the Party of Lincoln. In in a segment entitled “Is the Tea Party Toxic for the GOP“, Ingraham confessed that she found it hard to distinguish immigration policy sentiments of “influential conservative” Michael Gerson, a former Bush speechwriter, from those of former Democratic Party Chairman, Howard Dean, and über-liberal, MoveOn.org.

Gerson’s jousting with Ingraham was prompted by his recent Op-Ed piece in the Washington Post, in which he worried aloud about the Tea-Party leanings of the GOP on immigration:

A . . . question of Tea Party candidates: Do you believe that American identity is undermined by immigration? An internal debate has broken out on this issue among Tea Party favorites. Tom Tancredo, running for Colorado governor, raises the prospect of bombing Mecca, urges the president to return to his Kenyan “homeland” and calls Miami a “Third World country” — managing to offend people on four continents. Dick Armey of FreedomWorks appropriately criticizes Tancredo’s “harsh and uncharitable and mean-spirited attitude on the immigration issue.” But the extremes of the movement, during recent debates on birthright citizenship and the Manhattan mosque, seem intent on depicting Hispanics and Muslims as a fifth column.

There is no method more likely to create ethnic resentment and separatism than unfair suspicion. The nativist impulse is the enemy of assimilation. In a nation where minorities now comprise two-fifths of children under 18, Republicans should also understand that tolerating nativism would bring slow political asphyxiation.

Tolerating or opposing nativism is not the only irreconcilable immigration difference within the GOP. In the immigration sphere, Republicans must decide if they are for or against: (1) protectionism, (2) small-business entrepreneurship, (3) intrusive government regulation, and (4) higher taxes. The posts linked in the preceding sentence suggest that these seemingly easy questions are surprisingly difficult to answer for a party that loudly proclaims its allegiance to free-market capitalism.

Setting aside their policy differences over how best to tackle the problem of illegal immigration, Republicans must decide whether they will push for reforms of the system of legal immigration that foster rather than impede economic prosperity. They must decide whether (a) Sen. Chuck Grassley (R. IA), who sides with Sen. Dick Durbin (D. IL), in opposition to the H-1B and L-1 work visa categories, will be their standard-bearer on employment-based immigration, or (b) the GOP will at last heed the long-repeated warnings of business leaders who foretell a deepening slide in our global competitiveness unless more innovation-friendly immigration policies are quickly enacted.

Republicans cannot have it both ways on immigration. They cannot remain silent when American Apparel, a company that has insisted on producing goods within the U.S. using domestic workers, reportedly suffers a sharp decline in stock price by the loss of a huge chunk of its workers because the federally-imposed system of employment-eligibility verification is broken, as Fast Company and the L.A. Weekly report. (WARNING: Those with Victorian sensibilities should NOT click on the Fast Company link and instead check out L.A. Weekly, while more worldly readers who’d like a new answer to the perennial presidential campaign question, “Boxers or briefs?, may run with Fast Company.)

Republicans will not win over many Mama and Papa Grizzlies, or their voting-age cubs — especially those working in the Human Resources departments of companies owned by members of any political party — if the immigration laws now in force treat them like (gender-irrelevant) “fall guys.” As Ted Chiappari and I note in this week’s New York Law Journal (“Lawbreaker, Naïf or Stooge? – The HR Representative and I-9 Crimes“):

While large-scale foreign-national employee prosecutions and removals in connection with worksite raids under the Bush administration attracted more publicity, the number of criminal prosecutions of business owners and managers also increased. The Obama administration has moved away from high-profile worksite raids, favoring instead “audits” (called “silent raids” by some) that in effect force employers to terminate the employment of unauthorized workers. Even so, Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano in her Senate confirmation hearings also pledged “appropriate criminal punishment” for “unscrupulous employers.” So, regardless of which party is in office, employers and their human resources representatives have to be aware of potential criminal liability. (Footnotes omitted.)

The GOP would be wiser to consider another alternative than criminalization of employers under the immigration laws, perhaps something like the New Employee Verification Act (NEVA), a bill sponsored and defended by Rep. Sam Johnson (R. TX) that has been languishing since first introduced in April 2009. NEVA would take the onus of employment-eligibility verification off the backs of business and place it rightfully on the government (or authorized third-parties).

However the Republicans resolve their multiple-personality disorder on immigration, if they succeed in taking the House, they should use their newfound authority wisely and in the best interests of the nation. Rep. Darrell Issa (R. CA) would chair the House Oversight Committee, and wield the power to convene hearings, including sessions on the administration of our immigration laws. Rather than Obama-Administration witch hunts, as many fear, perhaps Rep. Issa will use his hoped-for new authority to ask what Republicans and surviving Democrats can do — in legion with the Obama Administration — to make the system of legal immigration a jump-starter for America’s economy.

For someone whose career had seemed in rocket-vectored ascendancy, Piers Morgan famed British journalist, TV host, 2008 winner of Donald Trump’s Celebrity Apprentice, and 2006 season judge of America’s Got Talent — has encountered an implacable obstacle. The object reportedly in his way is so impenetrable that, even with help from CNN, Piers cannot pierce it.

As first reported in the New York Post, government approval of CNN’s U.S. work visa petition to allow Morgan to be the new host of Larry King Live has reputedly been delayed. Another journalist, Richard Adams, who blogs on U.S. politics and culture from the Guardian newspaper’s Washington DC bureau, summarized the apparent problem thusly:

The unstoppable force of Piers Morgan’s career has finally met an immovable object: the US Citizenship and Immigration Services. . . . The nature of the delay is unknown . . . [I]t comes at a time when immigration is a hot-button issue in US politics. . . . [Q]ualification for a US work visa is a long and often fraught process . . . US immigration authorities are famously unimpressed by celebrity, and a delay of several months is not uncommon in even the most straightforward cases.

Others (here and there) are quick to discount the story.

I have no idea whether CNN, on behalf of Morgan, an author of eight books, and host of two BBC series (The Importance of Being Famous and The Dark Side of Fame with Piers Morgan), has not received swift visa-petition approval from USCIS. If USCIS is indeed the reason why Larry King will linger longer, then I speculate that perhaps Morgan’s multifarious career has been too much a moving target and King’s iconically idiosyncratic show too unique a form of entertainment for USCIS examiners to link together. Or maybe hosting a talk show is seen by USCIS as too different from judging a talent show, in the same way that the agency decided that “arguably one of the most famous baseball players in Korean history” was unqualified for a green card to serve as a baseball coach for the the Windy City’s White Sox team because his fame was solely as a player rather than as a coach. See, Lee v. Ziglar, 237 F. Supp.2d 914, 918 (N.D. Ill.2002).

The Post speculates that Morgan needs a “special visa,” while Blogger Adams suggests that Morgan has “options” available to him (“‘Individuals with Extraordinary Ability or Achievement in the sciences, arts, education, business, or athletics, or extraordinary achievements in the motion picture and television field’ for which Piers would surely qualify”). At the same time, a TV.com staff writer — in a snarky slap to the immigration bar — asks: “Aren’t there people [Morgan] can hire to take care of that?”

I’m not ready to pass judgment on USCIS in d’Affaire Morgan (or to remain silent when uninformed outsiders unfairly slime immigration lawyers).

I note with satisfaction, however, that under the administration of Alejandro Mayorkas, USCIS Director, the agency has taken unprecedented steps to improve adjudication of EB-1 (Employment-Based First Preference) immigrant visas requiring regulatorily prescribed levels of extraordinary attainment. As Los Angeles Times reporter, Teresa Watanabe, reported recently, quoting the Director:

Mayorkas said he was determined to “get it right and get it fast.” “The community deserves consistency,” he said. “These are our customers, and we are committed to improving customer service.”

The latest example of the changes wrought by Director Mayorkas is an opportunity to allow the public to comment on interim guidance memorandums before they becomes effective in final form. This type of pre-effective-date chance to comment never happened before with the old INS or the pre-Mayorkas USCIS. The early-peek opportunity for comment allows the agency to withdraw with dignity intact from a position that stakeholders may show is contrary to law or legitimate business practices. For example, USCIS is now accepting comments on a guidance memo with a dry title but a topic of great significance to many prospective green-card applicants with high levels of accomplishment: “Evaluation of Evidentiary Criteria in Certain Form I-140 Petitions.”

This particular guidance memo arises from a debunking the agency received from the Ninth Circuit Federal Court of Appeals in Kazarian v. USCIS, 596 F.3d 1115, C.A.9 (Cal.), March 04, 2010 (NO. 07-56774). The Court in Kazarian held that USCIS (in this case the Administrative Appeals Office) may not “unilaterally impose novel substantive or evidentiary requirements” without support in the Immigration and Nationality Act or agency regulations.

While Kazarian dealt with EB-1 (extraordinary ability or achievement) green-card eligibility criteria, the interim agency guidance cited extends this also to the EB-2 immigrant visa category for exceptional ability aliens. In my view, USCIS should have issued a guidance memorandum more broadly. Stakeholder feedback should have been issued on a guidance memorandum (which I’d be happy to craft upon request) entitled “Illegality of Unilaterally Imposing Novel Substantive or Evidentiary Requirements.”

Although the proposed title of my suggested USCIS memo is admittedly just as dry as those the agency issues, its scope is more important. The guidance memo I propose would cover all formal decisions (“adjudications”) that USCIS must make and not be limited solely to green-card grants or denials. It would apply to naturalization, asylum, work visa petitions, marriage petitions, investor petitions, battered spouse determinations, human trafficking and crime victims cases, waiver requests and more.

To be sure, Hollywood v. USCIS is a battle of great moment. Still, everyday supplicants who pay USCIS ever-steeper user fees deserve fair and prompt adjudications and the same equitable consideration as celebrities like Piers Morgan. I’m not saying that I’m happy that Morgan’s immigration case may have been delayed. But I will savor the last few pre-nostalgic months before Larry King retires his suspenders.

 

For a supposedly-sleepy dog day of summer, last Thursday produced a disturbing clash of views on employment-based immigration in the two Washingtons — DC and WA.

Seattle, about as far from the Beltway as one can go in the lower 48, hosted the Northwest Summit of ImmigrationWorks — a coalition of large and small businesses bent on reforming the immigration laws in ways that will enable the economy to grow. At the same time, the Senate reconvened from its recess for about a half hour to pass H.R. 6080, a $600 million border enforcement law whose protectionist elements triggered an immediate complaint from the Government of India to the U.S. Trade Representative.

The Northwest Summit offered speaker after speaker from far-flung industries describing a set of immigration rules and restrictions that prevents the economy from growing. Throughout the day, farmers, seafood harvesters, restaurant owners, executives in the service industries, and entrepreneurs in technology companies decried a broken system that demonizes law abiding businesses for the failings of federal officials. Even more compelling were the corridor conversations where individual business owners — grizzled veterans of their industries — spoke privately of the fear of criminal prosecution and loss of livelihood despite scrupulous efforts to obey the immigration laws and the daunting challenge of running legitimate businesses plagued by domestic labor shortages.

A continent’s width away, Senator Charles Schumer, lead Democrat on immigration policy, defended the financing mechanism for the border bill — the doubling of H-1B and L-1 visa filing fees — as a poetically just surcharge on companies whose very “business model” contravenes Congressional intent and “[is] ruining the reputation of the H-1B program.” He blamed these firms (which he had earlier called “chop shops” but corrected himself and then termed them “body shops” that engage in “labor arbitrage”) for a host of ills:

According to the Economic Policy Institute, [misuse of H-1B visas by these companies is] lowering the wages of American tech workers already in the marketplace [and] . . . discouraging many of our smartest students from entering the technology industry in the first place [because they balk at paying tuition for advanced degrees] when the market is being flooded with foreign temporary workers willing to do tech-work for far less pay. . . .

Congress does not want the H-1B program to be a vehicle for creating multinational temp agencies where workers do not know what projects they will be working on or what cities they will be working in when they enter the country. The fee is solely based on the business model of the company, not the location of the company.

If you’re using the H-1B to innovate new products and technologies, that’s a good thing regardless of whether the company was originally founded in India, Ireland or Indiana. But If you’re using the H-1B visa to run a glorified international temp agency for tech workers in contravention of the spirit of this program, I and my colleagues believe you should have to pay a higher fee to ensure that American workers are not losing their jobs because of the unintended uses of the visa program, and this belief is consistent whether the company that uses these practices is founded in Bangalore, Beijing or Boston. . . .

[Based on press reports, the] leaders of this business model are agreeing that our bill will make it more expensive to bring in foreign tech workers to compete with American tech workers for jobs here in America. That means these companies are going to have to start to hire U.S. tech workers again. . . . This bill [thus] has the . . . advantage of creating more high paying American jobs.

Sen. Schumer’s rationale for sticking foreign companies who sponsor H-1B and L-1 workers in volume with the cost of protecting the U.S. border is flawed on several counts:

The Senator cites no evidence that American students are refraining from the study of STEM (science, technology, engineering and math) subjects because of a flood of lowly paid tech workers. As the White House attests, good STEM teachers make for dedicated STEM students. Rather, a report prepared by Public Agenda for The National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education confirms that, as a general matter, “many Americans are becoming more skeptical about whether colleges and universities are doing all that they can to control costs and keep tuition affordable.” Thus, the skyrocketing of tuition costs, not a deluge of poorly compensated foreign workers, is the primary reason that some students refrain from pursuing higher education.

The meme that the H-1B visa program allows access to underpaid foreign workers ignores the law’s requirements. As the American Immigration Lawyers Association made clear in challenging the findings of an Economic Policy Institute report (a study prepared in partnership with the AFL-CIO, and the same report cited by Sen. Schumer):

The H-1B program carefully protects wages by requiring that companies pay the higher of the wage paid by their competitors for comparable positions or the wage the company itself pays to other comparable workers. These protections are enforced by the Department of Labor and non-compliance already includes heavy penalties, including complete bars from petitioning for any foreign worker. Furthermore, H-1B employers are required to pay a $500 fraud prevention and detection fee for the initial H-1B petition which funds the government’s ability to investigate potential fraud in the H-1B program, not to mention the fee of up to $1500 filed with each petition to help train U.S. workers. If employers are deliberately violating the program requirements, the DOL can and should levy penalties. But the characterization of these programs as a means of obtaining cheap, indentured labor is false and irresponsible.

Temporary staffing agencies are not the same as global sourcing companies that provide IT and business-process solutions and other innovative services. Temp agencies, whether domestic or foreign, supply temporary workers to fill short-term needs, sometimes at lower costs. Global sourcing enterprises use a legitimate business model that significantly benefits governments, businesses, citizens and customers by offering better quality, 24/7 service across time zones, and speedier start-up and delivery, while allowing customers to focus on core competencies. Global service providers are not “glorified international temp agenc[ies].” They are no less vital to American businesses than are the hundreds of private contractors who serve the federal government, including the Departments of Justice and Homeland Security. Regrettably, the border-law’s definition of businesses that must pay the ramped-up H-1B and L-1 filing fees is not carefully tailored to reach only temp agencies engaged in body-shop activities. It unjustly imposes a protectionist tax on legitimate multinationals in the global sourcing industry.

The fees generated by the new border law won’t “ensure that American workers are not losing their jobs because of unintended uses of the visa program.” None of the money raised will be provided to the two government units with primary authority to investigate and enforce H-1B and L-1 visa requirements — the Department of Labor (Wage & Hour Division) and the Fraud Detection and National Security division of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. Rather, as the last sentence of the border bill provides, “all amounts collected pursuant to the fee increases authorized . . . [must] be deposited in the General Fund of the Treasury.”

The border law is not a carefully crafted statute intended to pay for border security by making it more costly for a narrow band of perps to engage in a specific type of visa abuse. It is blatant protectionism, something that hurts all of us in the long run, as Milton Friedman reminded us soon before his death. President Obama and a number of world leaders were right last March when they said:

The G20 [nations] must go beyond merely advocating for trade and against protectionism. . . We must continue to resist protectionist pressures, and to promote liberalization of trade and investment through the national reduction of barriers . . .

Notwithstanding these anti-protectionist sentiments, each time the President has had the chance to sign a new bill containing immigration provisions, protectionist elements crept in. It happened with the Employ American Workers Act and now again with the border law. It’s clear that NYU Law Professor, Samuel Estreicher, could have been speaking of the border law when he said:

Over the last several decades, trade unions in the United States increasingly have been unable to realize their objectives at the bargaining table and have turned more and more to politics.

It’s little comfort to multinational businesses that they dodged a bullet this time. Free-trade opponents and their Congressional enablers have even more changes planned — enfeebling amendments to the H-1B and L-1 visa categories that “carry a significant likelihood of being ruled inconsistent with U.S. commitments under the GATS [the General Agreement on Trade in Services].” Still, the H-1B category is not without its supporters. Even the vehemently anti-immigration organ, the Center for Immigration Studies, has found a reason to support the beleaguered visa category: The Center proposes H-1B visas for foreign judges who can be imported to the U.S. to help in ordering the deportation of removable aliens.

As Yakov Smirnoff, the Russian émigré, sardonically observed:

“What a country!”

Supporters of stricter border enforcement must have uncorked the champagne yesterday. The Senate, in bipartisan fashion, broke a deadlock over funding and passed S. 3721, a $600 million emergency appropriation that would bring 1,500 more federal enforcers and unmanned aerial drones to the U.S. border. Last week, the requisite number of House members voted “yea” to a similar bill with a $701 million price tag. Some form of enhanced border security legislation is likely to reach the President’s desk soon.

The Senate’s border funding tussle involved a face-off between Republicans (who wanted to pay for the bill by diverting money from Recovery Act stimulus funds) and Democrats (who claimed Republicans would “take . . . away from job-creating programs by robbing the Recovery Act”). Ultimately, the Dems found a way to pay for the bill: Increased immigration filing fees on large-volume users of the H-1B (specialty occupation) and L-1 (intracompany transferee) visa categories are expected to cover the tab. For companies that “employ 50 or more employees in the United States if more than 50 percent of the [petitioner’s] employees” are either H-1B or L-1 nonimmigrant workers, then between the date of enactment and September 30, 2014, H-1B filing fees and anti-fraud fees will rise by $2,000 per petition and corresponding L-1 per-petition imposts will increase by $2,250.

In a press release lauding their effort, Sen. Charles Schumer (Chair of the Senate Immigration Subcommittee) proclaimed that this “package shows a serious commitment to securing the border, even though we know it will take comprehensive immigration reform to fully address the problem.” Further, the good senator stressed, the bill “doesn’t add a dime” to the deficit and “doesn’t take away money from jobs programs to do it.” Senator Mark Begich also exuded happiness (although unwittingly disclosing that he hadn’t read the actual text of the bill): “I am . . . very pleased the bill is paid for by increasing fees for H1-B [sic] and L visas for companies who have half of their work force overseas, as this will protect American jobs and industry.”

Republican Sens. McCain and Kyl were ultimately persuaded that increasing filing fees was the only way that the border would be better protected, and added their names as co-sponsors of S. 3721, even though they are listed as signers of the Anti-Tax Pledge espoused by Grover Norquist. Ironically, their Republican colleagues in the house just rejected an equally public-spirited bill that would have provided long-term funding for 9/11 first responders because it would increase taxes. The legislation, according to the Associated Press, “would have prevented foreign multinational corporations incorporated in tax haven countries from avoiding tax on income earned in the U.S.”

So, let’s get this straight. It’s okay to jack up the H-1B and L-1 filing fees imposed on certain American companies but it’s unacceptable to require foreign entities established in overseas tax havens to pay taxes on income they earn in America. Go figure.

Well, you say, crafting legislation requires lawmakers to take difficult decisions among alternative proposals. Someone’s got to pay for protecting the border and we can’t foist these costs on future generations; right?

Let’s assume more money for border enforcement is a wise investment (although the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute reports that the added costs required to seal the border are disproportionate to the anticipated benefit to be gained and may only marginally stanch the entry of unauthorized immigrants). Also assume that ratcheting up immigration filing fees is an appropriate, indeed the only, way to fund increased border enforcement.

Still, an important question remains: Will an immigration-filing-fee funding mechanism actually produce $600 million by September 2014 to fund these border measures?

It takes two gargantuan leaps of faith to believe that increased border appropriations will ultimately be deficit-neutral:

Leap # 1: S. 3721 assumes that revenues gained from tax increases follow a static rather dynamic formula. In other words, if taxes are increased, tax revenues will increase correspondingly. This Leap forgets the teaching of the Supreme Court in Gregory v. Helvering, 293 U.S. 465 (1935): “The legal right of an individual to decrease the amount of what would otherwise be his taxes or altogether avoid them, by means which the law permits, cannot be doubted.” This principle applies to immigration-filing-fee increases no less than to tax hikes. Witness the Adjustment of Status surge in the summer of 2007. As the then-Director of USCIS, Emilio Gonzalez, testified to Congress: “Most surges relating to a fee increase are followed by a commensurate dip in filings . . .” S. 3721 will likely trigger an upsurge in H-1B and L-1 petition filings by large-volume users before the increases take effect, followed even more assuredly by corporate decisions to move jobs abroad because America is obviously and increasingly hostile to global businesses.

Leap # 2: S. 3721 assumes that there are now and will be sufficient numbers of petitioners in the United States who employ 50 or more employees, more than half of whom are H-1B and L-1workers. Who and where are these employers? Where are the statistics to show that such employers exist? Has the Congressional Budget Office scored the effect on the deficit of S. 3721? No, CBO has not published any such scoring to date. Moreover, I’ve looked and there are simply no USCIS statistics suggesting that the presumably multitudinous petitioners described in S. 3721 exist.

My prediction: The anticipated fee money to fund border enforcement simply won’t be there. The deficit will rise and the effect on border security is likely to be very little additional bang for many unfunded bucks. All this will happen “even though,” as Sen. Schumer suggested, “we know it will take comprehensive immigration reform to fully address the problem.”