Immigration's Hobgoblin: A Foolish Inconsistency

Europe is at a tipping point.  Will the European Union be dashed on Greek or Italian shores.  Will France follow Greece and Italy in losing the esteem of bondholders? Will the EU revert to an Uncommon Market and again suffer its historic curse, a mash-up of competing and warring states whose citizens must proffer passports to cross borders and each time frequent the local moneychangers to buy or sell. 

As this is written, European pols, especially those of the Teutonic variety, may well be mulling the words of Emerson, the American transcendentalist, in his essay on Self-Reliance:

skeleton_eyes.jpgA foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds, adored by little statesmen and philosophers and divines. . . . Speak what you think now in hard words, and tomorrow speak what tomorrow thinks in hard words again, though it contradict every thing you said today.

America, however, learned the value of consistency in its infancy, first from Ben Franklin on signing the Declaration of Independence ("We must all hang together, or assuredly we shall all hang separately") and then in drafting a national constitution after the failure of the Articles of Confederation. Latin scholars and law students are taught consistency in the principle of stare decisis et non quieta movere: "to stand by decisions and not disturb the undisturbed." 

Judging from the surfeit of GOP presidential debates, the party of Lincoln is not too sure about consistency's value. Inconstancy is not solely a character trait of multiple-personality Mitt, the likely consensus nominee.  Rather, it informs each Republican candidate for the presidency of the 50 "united" states who, irreconcilably, proclaims the national freedom to bear arms yet encourages the states to go their separate ways on abortion and immigration. 

President Obama is no less immune to criticism.  The Deporter-in-Chief campaigned for a first term on comprehensive immigration reform.  When challenged for nonfeasance, however, he pleaded that he could not "wave a magic wand and make it happen". Yet by allowing Homeland Security officers to exercise prosecutorial discretion in immigration matters and issuing executive orders to ease the housing crisis, the burden of student loans, and soon healthcare deficiencies, he has acted unilaterally, saying "[w]e can't wait" for Congress to act.

So when is consistency a virtue and when is it foolish?  In matters migrational, consistency is virtuous when it leads to predictable and uniformly equitable results, when it achieves harmony and a general perception of even-handedness among stakeholders. It is folly when mistakes, consistently arising, are not recognized as such or are left to fester uncorrected.

PERM labor certifications should not take three months in one case and 27 in another (even if an audit ensues) -- the current range of DOL processing times, as I learned yesterday at the AILA California Chapters Conference in San Francisco.  A blanket L-1 visa applicant in Chennai should be just as deserving of her visa if an identically qualified blanket L-1 applicant is approved at a U.S. consulate elsewhere. An H-1B work visa petition for a small business approved at the USCIS Vermont Service Center should not be denied on virtually identical facts at the VSC's California counterpart (likewise the general consensus of panelists describing the regional-service-center status quo at the San Francisco AILA conference). 

The scheduling of merits hearings in removal cases should not take four years in Chicago and considerably less, sometimes mere months, in other U.S. cities (another AILA SF factoid). U.S. citizen spouses who enter the U.S. under the Visa Waiver program should not be welcomed with a green card throughout California, except in San Diego where the local field office facilitates their expedited removal (yet one more data point from AILA conference speakers).  A nationwide policy of prosecutorial discretion should be applied consistently to like cases nationwide, but regrettably they are not, as Julia Preston of The New York Times reports today ("Deportations Under New U.S. Policy Are Inconsistent").

Intellectually disingenuous nitpickery, moreover, should not be allowed to override the principle of consistency: If USCIS on five occasions recognizes an O-1 nonimmigrant as a person of extraordinary ability he or she should not be denied a first preference extraordinary-ability green card when the legal requirements to be classified as "extraordinary" are identical. 

Consistency creates what we lawyers call a "reliance interest."  Inconsistency in the rule of law creates unreliable, unpredictable chaos and loss of confidence in the future -- precisely the worst outcomes when economies worldwide are foundering.  As Google's CEO, Eric Schmidt said at a November 12 White House press briefing: "What business needs is predictability." So too do the American people, and the would-be Americans who seek uniformly interpreted and consistently applied decisions in like requests for immigration benefits.

ghoul.jpgWorse still is the foolish inconsistency practiced by the most ghoulish hobgoblins, the guardians of our immigration adjudications -- the distracted Executive Branch, the blind or indifferent overseers in Congress and the respective Secretaries and headquarters officials of the U.S. Departments of Homeland Security, State, Justice, Labor and Commerce -- who countenance the pervasiveness of their charges' deviant decisions.  Whether the problem is caused by overlooked insubordination below or deliberate insouciance above, immigration inconsistency is terrifying this Nation of Immigrators.    

Missive from Mumbai: Why Are U.S. Immigration Agencies Attacking India and Hurting America?

Bangalore immigration.jpgAt least when it comes to India, Yogi Berra had it wrong. It's not déjà vu all over again. 

Blogging this weekend from my hotel room in Mumbai, I vividly recall my first trip to India in 1993. Invited as part of an American Bar Association delegation, I spoke in New Delhi on “Nonimmigrant Visa Options for Computer Software Professionals.”

My talk took place at LEXPO ‘93, a gathering of about 800 business leaders, accountants and lawyers sponsored by the U.S. Department of Commerce and the U.S. Embassy. Audience members sat in rapt attention as tax and corporate attorneys explained the legalities of doing business in America and I outlined an array of temporary work visa categories readily available to Indians in the new field of computer software.  The World Wide Web had been conceived a scant three years earlier -- the same year Congress enacted and the first President Bush signed the Immigration Act of 1990 (IMMACT) in order to "open the 'front door' to increased legal immigration."  Given the liberalization of the closed Indian economy that began in 1991, Lexpo '93 attendees seemed giddy about the prospects for U.S.-India business collaborations and binational entrepreneurial adventures. 

In 1993, Indian managers, executives and employees with specialized knowledge could easily come to the U.S. as L-1 intracompany transferees. Likewise that year, university-educated entrepreneurs from the world's largest democracy could incorporate a U.S. entity and arrange for the startup to petition the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) to grant an H-1B visa petition.  Since IMMACT eliminated the previously daunting requirement of proving that L-1 and H-1B visa applicants maintained an unrelinquished permanent residence in India to which they would return, U.S. consular posts in India readily issued these two categories of visas to Indian applicants.

Although the intent-to-return-to-India requirement made the prospect of receiving a B-1 business visitor visa somewhat uncertain, business visas were still "doable" in 1993 for qualified applicants.  More difficult yet likewise quite attainable was the B-1 in lieu of H-1B (BILOH) business visitor subcategory for temporary professionals, established in a 1982 INS ruling involving an Indian citizen, one Mr. Srinivasan

Woman with hand stop.jpgOh how the odds of Indians receiving U.S. business-based visas have worsened in 18 years.  Last week, in Bangalore, I again addressed an audience of Indian executives and entrepreneurs who this time were far more glum than giddy. The title of my presentation ("U.S. & Global Enforcement of Immigration and Employment Laws - Best Practices for Indian Companies") and accompanying slides show that America's immigration agencies have moved from enabling enterprises to opposing entrepreneurship and empowering enforcers

Panel after panel of speakers (all with many years of experience submitting approvable and ultimately approved cases for reputable companies) described how the visa doors have slammed almost completely shut for most Indian firms, entrepreneurs and employees who want to grow businesses or create or fill jobs in the United States: 

  • They described perfunctory 90-second applicant interviews at U.S. consular posts followed by peremptory visa refusals.  (This is likely, in part, a staffing and resource issue attributable to the State Department and Congress.)
  • They asked why the standards for B-1, L-1 and H-1B visa eligibility had become so much more restrictive than in years past. 
  • They pleaded for more transparency and less subjectivity from U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) and the State Department when articulating the legal and factual criteria for visa issuance. 
  • They wanted to know why U.S. consuls discounted as just so run-of-the-mill the extraordinary creativity and innovation of their IT professionals and businesses, even though the same talents are in high demand from American corporate customers. 
  • They asked why the consular attitude at the interview had changed from 1993 (old vibe: "show me why you are eligible") to 2011 (new vibe: "defend yourself against my all but certain refusal of your visa").
  • They perceived a consular strategy of denying L-1 visas (especially of the blanket variety) and pushing applicants to apply for H-1Bs even though the quota for that category will soon be depleted, leaving Indians to wonder which fortunate few can clear U.S. ports of entry in BILOH status given that U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officials often believe that the BILOH is a dead letter. (Channeling visa applicants to the H-1B and away from their preferred L-1 contravenes State’s Foreign Affairs Manual [9 FAM 41.11 N3.2, "Choice When More Than One Classification Possible"]).
  • They wondered why business and work visa refusal rates are so much higher for Indian applicants than for the Chinese, Japanese, Europeans and South Americans.
  • They asked aloud what message the U.S. government is sending to India when entry to America is so often barred.

Indian angst over discriminatory U.S. immigration policies is neither apocryphal nor paranoid. As Stuart Anderson of the National Foundation for American Policy recently reported.  Citing State Department data, his research reveals that "[t]he number of L-1 visas issued at U.S. posts in India declined by 28 percent from 2010 to 2011 while L-1s "issued in the rest of the world rose by 15 percent." I share the inference that Mr. Anderson, former INS Executive Associate Commissioner for Policy and Planning and Counselor to the Commissioner, drew from this wide divergence in L-1 approval rates:

This shows an enormous gap in visas issued as well as, it must be assumed, approval/denial rates between posts in India and the rest of the world, raising policy questions as to whether this great disparity is the result of a conscious policy at U.S. posts in India. This confirms what many observers have believed: an increase in denials over the past 12 to 18 months is making it far more difficult for employers to transfer employees based in India into the United States on L-1 visas. Employers say this is having a negative impact on growth, projects, and product development in the United States.

My colleague, Greg Siskind, recharactizes more bluntly Mr. Anderson's genteel questioning of the federal government's anti-Indian visa policy:

India has one of the hottest economies on the planet and we are slamming the door on entrepreneurs from those countries expanding operations in the US which very often result in hiring of US employees. Exactly the wrong policy for our times.

Indian man.jpgNo kidding that India's economy is sizzling, as the U.S. Commerce Department reports in its 2011 Country Commercial Guide for India:

India is a story of growth and opportunity. India’s sustained growth of around 8.0% in 2009-10 and growing dynamism in several of its regional markets have created wide and diverse business prospects for U.S. exporters and investors. With 2011 growth estimates hovering at around 8.6%, India remains one of the fastest growing, dynamic economies in the world. . . . U.S. multinationals are sold on India and are expanding and deepening their market penetration. . . .

Economic growth in India today is being rewritten by India’s highly entrepreneurial and rapidly globalizing private sector. Indian firms are investing in infrastructure projects, growing their advanced manufacturing capabilities, and investing in new volume-based business models that tap into rising incomes and consumption in towns and rural economies across the country. . . . Indian firms are bullish about their economy and are eager for U.S. commercial and joint venture partnerships, technologies, brands, services, and know-how. . . . In 2010, U.S. exports to India amounted to $19.2 billion.

The State Department, although in cahoots with USCIS and CBP in their sub rosa efforts to deny visas or entry to Indian entrepreneurs and employees, surprisingly agrees with Commerce's assessment, as shown in the "Read Out on Secretary of State's [July 2011] trip to India":

On . . . trade and investment, both [governments] remarked on the real dynamism now in our trade and investment partnership. It was remarked that trade has gone up by 30 percent just this year alone, and investment also is growing very rapidly. In terms of the deliverables, I think you know we announced that we’ve agreed to resume technical discussions on a bilateral investment treaty [BIT] in August. And again, I think that’s important because there’s increasing flows of investments not only by the United States into India, but also by Indian companies into the United States [bolding added].

The technical discussions on a new U.S.-India BIT, which presumably would include the standard Treaty Investor [E-2] visa provision, apparently did not commence in August.  As Secretary Clinton noted in her October 14 speech on "Economic Statecraft" to the Economic Club of New York reported:

The State Department and the U.S. Trade Representatives Office will also lead negotiations on next-generation of bilateral investment treaties, the so-called BITs that protect and encourage investment. And I am pleased to announce we will soon resume technical level discussions on a new BIT with India [bolding added].

While technical talks have yet to start, U.S. immigration impositions on Indians persist. The latest burden imposed by State on Indian companies is the closure of four U.S. consular posts (New Delhi, Hyderabad, Kolkata and Mumbai) to blanket L-1 visa applicants and the insistence that all such applicants apply only at the consulate in Chennai.  India is a large country, covering some 1.27 million sq. mi., roughly a third the size of the United States.  The costs of travel to Chennai, hotel accommodations and absence from work unnecessarily burden Indian companies and visa applicants.  The official explanation for this change is phrased in a way that would make George Orwell smirk: 

This change is in order to streamline the blanket L visa issuance process, and is part of the U.S. Government’s ongoing effort to provide efficient visa services throughout India. [Bolding in original.]

I guess it's hard to kickstart economic statecraft and negotiate a mutually beneficial BIT with India when one awkward "technical" obstacle stands in the way.  Federal immigration bureaucrats must first get rid of the Indians-unwelcome mat.

Off-Message Immigration Bureaucrats Undermine the President's Jobs Push by Refusing L-1 Specialist Visas to Indian Citizens

global workersWith the President's supporters pleading for action, Barack Obama at last has pivoted to jobs.  "Pass this bill [the American Jobs Act]" has become his oft-shouted mantra. Surprisingly, however, career bureaucrats within the Departments of State and Homeland Security apparently haven't read his September 8 speech to Congress and instead are taking affirmative steps to prevent job creation.  Examples of this misbehavior are abundant across all work visa categories, as this blog has shown

For the sake of illustration, however, let's get granular and consider the latest trends in visa refusals for a single category, the L-1B  "intracompany transferee" visa, available to workers within a global firm possessing "specialized knowledge."

The problem has become especially acute with the recent flood of L-1B petition and visa denials involving citizens of India, thus raising the concern that the Indian refusals may be founded on unlawful bias, such as citizenship status, national origin, or race discrimination, or, upon the counterintuitive Congressional and media claims that the inbound dispatch of L-1 workers contributes to the claimed offshoring of jobs. 

American businesses count on L-1B workers to design and develop innovative products, fulfill contracts and manage important projects on which U.S. jobs for American workers depend.  With global competition accelerating, a significant delay in granting L-1B visa benefits to a deserving candidate, such as by a consular officer's unexplained return of an approved petition to USCIS for readjudication, a burdensome, boilerplate USCIS request for additional evidence, or an outright denial by either agency -- any one or all of these actions can lead to the loss of American jobs to employees of our competitors abroad.   

For those unfamiliar with this nonimmigrant category, the L-1B intracompany transferee classification, together with the L-1A for executives and managers, has been around since 1970.  The L-1B allows a U.S.-based business to transfer workers from the employ of a foreign affiliate that is under at least 50% common ownership or control with the U.S. petitioner in the combined global enterprise.  The visa applicant must have been employed for at least one year abroad by a foreign affiliate out of the last three years, performing in a job involving specialized knowledge, and must seek to work for a related entity in the U.S. in a like capacity. Individual petitions for L-1B visa classification are submitted to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), Regional Service Centers (RSCs), which forwards their petition approvals to a U.S. consulate or embassy abroad where the consul interviews the L-1B visa applicant.  Consular officers also interview "blanket" L-1 visa applicants from larger companies to determine whether either of the alternative definitions of specialized knowledge apply and an L-1B visa should be issued.

A few years back, larger global enterprises could instruct their candidates (specialized-knowledge professionals with a relevant college degree) to apply directly at a U.S. consular post abroad under an approved blanket L-1 petition as long as he or she had gained only six months' worth of specialized knowledge, rather than the one year minimum required now, which in either case is still a comparatively brief period required by statute. 

The term "specialized knowledge" has had a tortuous and tortured history within the legacy immigration agencies.  The trend as late as 1988 had been to interpret the term very strictly, culminating in a case, Matter of Sandoz Crop Protection Corp., which equated specialized knowledge with a level significantly above even "proprietary" or "patented" knowledge:

The petitioner's proprietary interest must be such that the knowledge required is clearly different from that held by others employed in the same or similar occupations. Different procedures are not a proprietary right within this context unless the entire system and philosophy behind the procedures are clearly different from those of other firms, they are relatively complex, and they are protected from disclosure to competition.

A petitioner's ownership of patented products and processes or copyrighted works, in and of itself, does not establish that a particular employee has specialized knowledge. In order to qualify, the beneficiary must be a key person with materially different knowledge and expertise which are critical for performance of the job duties; which are critical to, and relate exclusively to, the petitioner's proprietary interest; and which are protected from disclosure through patent, copyright, or company policy.

Later that year, however, a policy memorandum from legacy Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), clarified that this interpretation of specialized knowledge was “more restrictive than Congress or the [INS] intended" and instructed adjudicators to apply the new clarification so that the L-1B would be "more flexible and useful to international businesses": 

The problem stems from using a too literal definition of the term "proprietary knowledge" wherein the knowledge must relate exclusively to or be unique to the employer's business operation. Using this narrow interpretation of proprietary knowledge excludes numerous employees of international companies who were intended by Congress to be accommodated under the L classification.

Since the passage of the Immigration Act of 1990 (IMMACT 90), "specialized knowledge" has required (consistently with the 1988 INS clarification) either "special knowledge possessed by [the applicant] of the petitioning organization's product, service, research, equipment, techniques, management, or other interests and its application in international markets," or "an advanced level of knowledge or expertise in the organization's processes and procedures."

In addition, in the preamble to the proposed regulations implementing IMMACT 90, the former INS acknowledged that “the intent of [IMMACT 90] as it relates to the L classification was to broaden its utility for international companies." Two INS Headquarters memos, in 1994 and 2003, and a 1994 State Department cable to the post in Madras (now Chennai), India reaffirmed the IMMACT 90 expansion of L-1B specialized knowledge. The 1994 State Department cable is significant because -- as shown below -- the very same Visa Office and consular post are at the epicenter of unlawful, revisionist and newly restrictive interpretations of specialized knowledge: 

Consuls should satisfy themselves that the applicant possesses knowledge that is not general knowledge held commonly throughout the industry but is truly specialized. The [Visa Office] notes this should not be construed to mean that an individual's expertise must be narrowly held within the company. The fact that the knowledge is held widely within the sending entity does not preclude it from being specialized.

With respect to the issues of remuneration of L-1 employees, there is no requirement (as for H-1Bs) that an individual be paid the prevailing wage. [Consular officers] must be satisfied that the applicant will not become a public charge. Beyond that, it does not appear to [the State Department's Visa Office] that the applicant's compensation may be addressed by [Consular officers].

Nothing of legal substance has changed since the IMMACT 90 Congress legislated an expansive interpretation of the specialized knowledge eligibility criteria, save for rogue (and now off-message) actions to restrict L-1B approvals, especially if the applicant is an Indian citizen. 

The trouble began in earnest with a 2004 Visa Office cable described as "clearly of greatest significance to the Indian Posts," and then with the USCIS Administrative Appeals Office (AAO), which published a 2008 non-precedent case involving an Indian software engineer, followed by USCIS adjudicators at the RSCs who have relied on that case to issue unwarranted L-1B RFEs and petition refusals, and by January, 2011 changes of heart by the State Department's Visa Office (relying on the same AAO case) and the consular posts in India.

More recently, however, the USCIS Office of Public Engagement (OPE), responding commendably to stakeholder concerns, held a May 12, 2011 Listening Session on the L-1B category.  The OPE's notes understate the intensity of complaints voiced during the call: 

An overwhelming majority of stakeholders asserted that the existing regulatory definition of “specialized knowledge” and USCIS policy memoranda which relate to this issue are fine as written, and there is no need to issue any new policy memorandum. Some stakeholders provided feedback indicating that the definition of “specialized knowledge” should be interpreted more broadly than is currently being practiced at the Service Centers. Stakeholders noted that USCIS is interpreting the definition too narrowly as evidenced by the Requests for Evidence (RFE) and denials which are being received by many petitioners for this category. One stakeholder stated that it appears that USCIS has made a change in its interpretation in recent years without any change in the law. . . .

Next Steps

USCIS will provide additional guidance and training to USCIS officers adjudicating L-1B petitions.

If the USCIS has indeed offered "additional guidance and training to USCIS officers adjudicating L-1B petitions," the lessons have not been learned.  Job destruction by way of L-1B denials at the RSCs continues unabated, notwithstanding the President's jobs campaign.  The same can be said of the consular posts in India where, especially since March, employers and immigration lawyers have witnessed a steady increase in unwarranted L-1B refusals. 

Applicants have reported that interviews -- lasting but a few minutes -- are perfunctory, supporting documents are ignored.  Consular officers are prejudging the case (often filling in the L-1B visa refusal notice at the start of the interview), and concluding that any passing reference to a company other than the petitioner warrants the unjustified conclusion that the knowledge must not be specialized. Moreover, notwithstanding the 1994 State Department cable, consuls are asking irrelevant questions about wages paid, while disregarding the value of supplemental stipends for housing, food and travel in the U.S., and ignoring the instruction that specialized knowledge may be held widely within the foreign affiliate ("[the] fact that the knowledge is held widely within the sending entity does not preclude it from being specialized").

The State Department defends its high Indian refusal rate by suggesting that the posts in India receive more L-1B applications and approve more L-1B visas than any other U.S. consulates or embassies worldwide.  Neither State nor USCIS has explained, however, why "specialized knowledge" is simply far more difficult to establish for citizens of India than for nationals of any other country, and why an outdated set of L-1B eligibility standards applies much more to Indians than to other visa applicants.

In the absence of clear answers by State or USCIS to these apparently discriminatory and unlawful practices adversely affecting Indian applicants and their petitioning U.S. employers, the task of revealing the truth and redressing wrongs must turn to another government agency or the media.  Within the federal government, the Department of Homeland Security's Office of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties (OCRCL) is endowed with explicit legal authority to investigate.  All that is required to initiate an OCRCL investigation is for disadvantaged parties to file a well-documented complaint alleging that invidious discrimination has occurred or that the cherished, constitutionally-derived (5th Amendment) civil liberty -- due process of law -- has been violated. 

While some Indian L-1B aspirants may pray to the "Visa God," they and others can also seek and hopefully receive more immediate relief by pursuing the OCRCL's decidedly terrestrial solution. 

Executive Craftsmanship: Job Creation through Existing Immigration Laws

Thumbnail image for Thumbnail image for Thumbnail image for Tool Belt.jpgThe dog days of August are behind us, yet the economic doldrums persist.  Unemployment remains unchanged and unacceptably high at 9.1%. The White House forecasts that it will stay there through the New Year and then likely drop only a tenth of a percentage point for all of 2012. 

Congress returns this week to Washington. Vituperation in lieu of legislative action will soon begin. The media kerfuffle over the timing of the Obama-Jobs speech enraged most citizen observers. Meantime, pundits are asking about the content of the President's speech:  Will he go large to appease dispirited Progressives?  Or, will he propose modest measures that "the Left [won't] understand" in the hope of winning bipartisan support. 

American politicians and special interests seem to have forgotten the "vigorous virtues [of self-reliance, personal responsibility, industriousness and a passion for freedom]," as David Brooks, op-ed columnist for the New York Times, observes. Brooks argues, convincingly, that as a result of this forgetfulness (I would call it blind and callous indifference) a "specter [is] haunting American politics: national decline."

The descent, however, is not inevitable.  It can be reversed.  A largely unseen, silent, law-abiding yet shackled group within our midst embodies all of the vigorous virtues. They are the sojourners from abroad who are yoked to the constricting terms and conditions of a U.S. employer's work visa petition. These hard-working souls are prohibited by law and dubious agency interpretations from using their ideas, talents, capital and energy to start companies and hire American workers.

Fortunately, no act of Congress is required to unleash these innovators, entrepreneurs and job creators and empower them to work their magic. 

The White House already knows it possesses the authority through executive action in immigration matters.  The Administration's recalibration of its immigration enforcement priorities has evoked little public outcry.  Disinformation, however, is spreading but failing to gain much traction.  The "Backdoor Amnesty" dog has no legs and won't hunt.

If unauthorized immigrants with positive equities warrant legitimate administrative relief, as they clearly do, why not reward the more deserving foreign citizens who have patiently waited and played by the rules?  

The President should therefore continue trying to jump start job-creation and allow the next generation of Apples, Googles and as yet unimagined supercompanies to take root in American soil and thrive. The White House's early steps "to Promote Startup Enterprises and Spur Job Creation" have been criticized, however, in this blog and elsewhere, as overly narrow and unhelpful. These missteps are not failures.  They are merely invitations to persist, as the iconic American innovator, Thomas Edison, reminds us ("I have not failed. I've just found 10,000 ways that won't work").

Here then are my suggestions to President Obama for administrative reform of the legal immigration system, as presented to attendees at an outstanding event convened on August 31 in Los Angeles by January Contreras, the USCIS Ombudsman ("Listening Session to Explore Small and Start-Up Business Immigration Issues"):

  • Instruct U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) to rescind the January 8, 2010 "Neufeld Memorandum" on employer-employee relationships and replace it with a regulation expressly allowing immigration self-sponsorship by owner-entrepreneurs in a broad array of work visa categories for employment on company premises and at customer sites.
  • Instruct USCIS and the State Department to issue -- on an expedited basis -- replacement or initial regulations interpreting the following laws in the expansive and job-creating spirit that Congress intended: The Immigration Act of 1990, the American Competitiveness and Workforce Improvement Act of 1998, and the American Competitiveness in the Twenty-First Century Act of 2000. These regulations should, e.g., broaden eligibility for all categories of the L-1 Intracompany Transferee visa, particularly for start-up operations, function managers and specialized knowledge personnel.
  • Instruct USCIS to focus on improving the quality of adjudications by improving the corps of adjudicators who make employment-based immigration decisions:
    • Impose stricter hiring requirements, including the minimum of a relevant bachelor's degree (if it takes that to receive an H-1B visa, the same should apply to grant one), strong writing and analytical skills.
    • Cause the Small Business Administration to provide training to adjudicators on the characteristics, contributions and challenges of small businesses and startups.
    • Review performance metrics and institute sanctions for improper issuance of Requests for Evidence, Notices of Intent to Deny and Revocation notices, while rewarding positive behaviors.
  • Instruct USCIS to grant nonimmigrants in lawful immigration status the benefits of “parole in place” and open-market work authorization upon submission of proof that they will open a business, buy a home, hire U.S. workers or devise an innovative technology, good or service.
  • Instruct USCIS to allow beneficiaries of approved employment- or family-based immigrant visa petitions whose place in the visa queue is backlogged to apply for adjustment of status (thereby entitling them to open-market work permits until they reach the front of the visa line and can receive green card approval).
  • Instruct USCIS to allow Premium Processing of employment-based Administrative Appeals Office appeals and all Motions to Reopen or Reconsider along with the tolling of unlawful presence penalties and the grant of employment authorization during the pendency of non-frivolous filings.
  • Instruct the Labor Department to add entrepreneurs and investors to the pre-certified Schedule A labor certification exemption, and allow an entity owned by such individuals to self-sponsor for green card status.
  • Instruct USCIS to publicize its 2008 Notice prohibiting internal retaliation against small businesses, define “retaliation” broadly and pursue violations aggressively.
  • Instruct USCIS to eliminate the Directorate, Fraud Detection and National Security (FDNS), and instruct U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to exercise all investigative and enforcement functions involving alleged immigration benefits fraud and immigration-related national security concerns.
  • Instruct ICE to investigate only those small business violations based on articulable and reasonable cause that a violation of the INA has occurred. Stop the guilty until proven innocent approach currently in use. 
  • Instruct USCIS to appoint an Associate Director who reports directly to the Director and who is solely responsible for promoting and facilitating the grant of employment based immigration benefits and reporting actions by USCIS personnel that impede, impair or deny the grant of such benefits to deserving parties. This Associate Director would also have authority to intervene under the Homeland Security Act when the State Department takes actions that unreasonably interfere with or deny immigration benefits to startups and small businesses.
  • Require strict compliance by all immigration agencies with the notice-and-comment requirements of the Administrative Procedure Act and the small-business-impact analysis required under the Regulatory Flexibility Act, and phase out the practice of issuing guidance by policy memorandum.
  • Instruct and empower the Small Business Administration’s Office of Advocacy to review and recommend changes to DHS, DOL and DOS rules that adversely affect job creation, entrepreneurship, investment and innovation by small businesses and start-ups.

As we await the President's address to a joint session of Congress, many anticipate that at least one proposal will be to rebuild our nation's existing infrastructure -- the roads, bridges, waterways, and rails.  Let's hope he also includes legitimate administrative fixes to our creaking and crotchety LEGAL immigration infrastructure.  American citizens looking for jobs deserve nothing less. 

A Cancer within the Immigration Agency

scalpel.jpgI think that . . . there's no doubt about the seriousness of the problem . . . We have a cancer--within, close to the Presidency, that's growing. It's growing daily. It's compounding, it grows geometrically now because it compounds itself. 

[John] Dean [recapping] the history of the Watergate break-in and subsequent cover-up for . . . President [Nixon]. March 21, 1973

Perhaps only slightly less virulent than the Watergate variety, a cancer is spreading within U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS). The malignancy began with the persistent refusal of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to fulfill its Congressionally appointed police mission under the Homeland Security Act (HSA). Beginning in 2003 ICE routinely turned a deaf ear to the pleas of USCIS adjudicators to pursue suspected immigration-benefits fraud. Frustrated that fraudsters were going unpunished, USCIS similarly ignored the HSA and created a unit, now elevated to a Directorate, known as Fraud Detection and National Security (FDNS)

The HSA's walling off of immigration-benefits adjudication (a task Congress assigned to USCIS) from immigration enforcement (the shared province of ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection [CBP]) reflected a conscious legislative decision.  Hearings in the late 1990s laid bare the longstanding problems of the former Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) whose conflicting missions of enforcement and benefits had generated decades of immigration dysfunction. 

Afflicted with selective amnesia, however, Congress failed to rebuke ICE or USCIS for crossing the prescribed lines.  Instead, federal lawmakers fueled the mission-creep by larding FDNS with anti-fraud fees paid by businesses seeking immigration benefits for H-1B and L-1 workers.  The result has been that FDNS, staffed with 700 officers and an untolled number of private investigators, has conducted tens of thousands of "site visits" at business organizations and religious institutions throughout the country. 

An August 24 New York Law Journal article, co-authored by Ted Chiappari and me, available here, describes what can go wrong when FDNS site visits (which really should be called what they are, governmental investigations) are structured in a way to create merely an impression that the integrity of the immigration-benefits adjudication process is safeguarded when, in reality, the requirements for a meaningful and fair investigation are ignored.  As one truth-telling FDNS officer explained to the DHS Office of Inspector General (p.15)

Congress has been told by FDNS that there is a bunch of fraud, so Congress is asking for the proof. [Headquarters] HQ FDNS is asking the field to find the fraud so it can be shown to Congress. And I sense HQ FDNS’ frustration with the field because we aren’t finding it…. Some of the leadership personnel have never been adjudicators, so they are completely out of touch with reality.

So why, then, do I liken the activities of FDNS to a spreading cancer?  Here goes:

  1. Free Radicals.  FDNS, like the free radicals that damage healthy organisms, takes aggressive actions without regard to the well-being of the functioning corpus politicus.  FDNS has not published a notice in the Federal Register allowing public comment on how it conducts investigations of the H-1B and L-1 visa categories and has never undertaken a Regulatory Flexibility Act analysis to determine the impact of these investigations on small businesses. 
  2. Vulnerable Victims. FDNS through its unannounced site visits invades the premises of unsuspecting and unprepared petitioning organizations. These on-site interrogations, akin to fishing expeditions, are not based on probable cause that a violation of the immigration laws has occurred; nor are they supported by a judicial search warrant.  FDNS provides no prior notice of the investigation to attorneys whom the agency knows are representing the sponsor or the foreign beneficiary.  The records FDNS asks to inspect and the individuals it seeks to interrogate are often, quite legitimately, at other locations; yet the investigators do not allow an opportunity to summon the records or the persons or reconvene at a later date.  Instead, its officers merely write a report that outlines "suspicious" circumstances. 
  3. Voracious Behavior. Like a spreading cancer, FDNS breaks down healthy structures. Its investigative techniques flout existing USCIS regulations which prescribe that if the agency desires additional information or testimony it must send a written request for evidence or schedule an interview at a USCIS office.
  4. Toxic Effects. Like a cancer, the growing influence of FDNS is debilitating the adjudication process by impairing customer service, speed of adjudication, and predictability of outcome, as last year's internal revolt at the California Service Center and the ongoing opposition of USCIS adjudicators to headquarters policies reflect. FDNS has arrogated to itself a policing function, rightly the role of ICE under the HSA, that is at cross purposes, just like at the old bipolar INS, to the core function of USCIS -- the rendering of a decision, based on the evidence of record, to approve or deny a request for a particular immigration benefit.
  5. Surgery and Radiation.  While cancer as yet has not been cured, medical science often succeeds in causing a state of remission.  Doctors typically do this by means of surgery and radiation. So too with FDNS.  Congress or the President should excise this alien growth from the benefits-adjudication process. It should also apply irradiation prophylactics to prevent a recurrence of anti-fraud tumors within USCIS.   To the degree that purgatives are required to remove harmful impurities and maintain the health and integrity of our U.S. immigration system, they should be exclusively of the ICE-y variety.

John Dean's words about Watergate and its cancerous effects could just as readily be applied to the pernicious behaviors of FDNS:  "We have a cancer . . . that's growing. It's growing daily. It's compounding, it grows geometrically now because it compounds itself."  Just as Watergate posed a threat to constitutional government, FDNS is dealing a body-blow to the Fourth Amendment's protection against "unreasonable searches and seizures."  Cut it out.

Face-off: Foreign Entrepreneurs vs. the Immigration Alligators -- with Obama as Referee

President Obama has put on a good show lately about the need for the populace to rise up and pressure the GOP to enact comprehensive immigration reform.  He urges citizens to begin "a national conversation on immigration reform that builds a bipartisan consensus to fix our broken immigration system so it works for America’s 21st century economy."  With the White House claiming that "he can’t do it alone," he asks you and me to host  roundtables that will "help bring the debate to your community." 

Were it not for the Republicans who keep moving the goal posts on border security, he claimed on May 10 in El Paso, we'd be able, together, to devise the grand solution that fixes our nation's wholly dysfunctional immigration system: 

We have gone above and beyond what was requested by the very Republicans who said they supported broader reform as long as we got serious about enforcement. All the stuff they asked for, we’ve done. But even though we’ve answered these concerns, I’ve got to say I suspect there are still going to be some who are trying to move the goal posts on us one more time. . . . they said we needed to triple the Border Patrol. Or now they’re going to say we need to quadruple the Border Patrol. Or they’ll want a higher fence. Maybe they’ll need a moat. (Laughter.) Maybe they want alligators in the moat. (Laughter.) They’ll never be satisfied. And I understand that. That’s politics.

alligators.jpg

Some may be moved by his crocodile tears to swallow the notion that his hands are tied. I have a few words in response:  Balderdash. Bunkum. Hogwash. Fiddle-faddle.

Either this president is not the analytical, data-gathering, cooly-decisive and valiant leader portrayed by the media, particularly since the takedown of Osama Bid Laden, or, he is playing politics with people's lives and "America’s 21st century economy."  There's no need to repeat previous posts (here, here, herehere, here and there) on his broad executive authority to ameliorate the traumas endured by DREAMers and the other undocumented among us. 

The simple fact, known all too well by immigration insiders but rarely reported, is that President Obama could vastly improve America's competitiveness and stop the flight of foreign talent back to their homelands by reversing or recalibrating several administrative rules or rulings that have long thrown foreign entrepreneurs into the moat with the immigration alligators.  

Here are some things that President Obama could accomplish immediately, solely by executive action, to allow existing America's immigration laws to help create jobs:

  • Restore Self-Sponsorship for Working Owners. Since 2010, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) has prevented foreign entrepreneurs from receiving an H-1B visa (for workers in specialty occupations).  The agency took this action notwithstanding four precedent decisions, Matter of Aphrodite Investments Limited (1980), Matter of Tessel (1980), Matter of Allan Gee, Inc. (1979) and Matter of M--  (1958), that allowed a foreign citizen to incorporate a business and use the entity to sponsor the individual's work visa or green card.  The President could easily order USCIS to withdraw the 2010 USCIS memorandum that abruptly strayed from precedent decisions, as the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA) has urged. 
  • Restore L-1A Function-Manager Eligibility. The Immigration Act of 1990 (IMMACT) allows managers of essential corporate functions to qualify for an L-1A work visa (for intracompany transferees) and a first preference green card (for multinational managers).  Before IMMACT, only managers of personnel could be granted these benefits.  USCIS routinely denies function-manager requests by claiming that the person does not manage the particular function but primarily performs the function.  This interpretation has rendered the function-manager category a dead letter.  Congress had no need to create the function manager classification in IMMACT if subordinate personnel were to be required to perform the function (so that the function manager could manage it) since a people-manager category already existed. To offer a simple example, a corporate controller under the current USCIS interpretation cannot qualify as a function manager unless the person manages other people -- something that controllers rarely do. The President can easily remedy this mistaken interpretation by instructing USCIS that managers of key corporate components and functions are eligible for function-manager designation even if the individual also performs the function.  This would allow foreign entrepreneurs to create new U.S. businesses and start creating jobs for U.S. workers right away.
  • Restore L-1B Specialized-Knowledge Eligibility. The USCIS Office of Public Outreach got an earful of criticism last week from stakeholders urging the agency to revert to longstanding interpretations of eligibility for an L-1B intracompany transferee visa under the specialized knowledge subcategory. In the teleconference, callers explained that the L-1B had been properly interpreted for decades until 2008 when a non-precedent decision of the USCIS Administrative Appeals Office without warning dramatically restricted its interpretation of L-1B specialized knowledge. Here too, the President could swiftly help foreign entrepreneurs create American jobs by restoring their longstanding ability to send key workers with specialized knowledge to the United States. 
  • Expand Schedule A to include “special-merit” foreign citizens.  The Department of Labor (DOL) under its Schedule A regulation has long allowed persons whose skills are in short supply to avoid the labor market test normally required and obtain an employment-based green card. Schedule A now includes registered nurses, physical therapists and persons of exceptional ability. Back in 2002, AILA asked the DOL but the agency refused to expand Schedule A by allowing "special-merit" foreign citizens to immigrate. AILA made this request because the normal labor market rules deprive a wide array of worthy aliens of any opportunity for PERM labor certification.  Individuals in the unwelcome category include investors, entrepreneurs and working owners, and foreign-born employees who are “so inseparable from the sponsoring employer because of his or her pervasive presence and personal attributes that the employer would be unlikely to continue in operations without the alien”.  Under orders from the President, the expanded use of Schedule A for these special-merit foreign citizens would allow fair consideration of deserving cases that have had little or no access to labor certification under the current system.
  • Allow the filing (but not the approval) of green card applications before the visa quota is open. Today, because of quota backlogs and an unfair allocation system, a person born in India holding a university degree, whose employer's immigrant visa petition has been approved, may have to wait as much as 20 years before being allowed just to file a green card (adjustment of status) application. The wait is only marginally less for those born in China.  During that time, the person's spouse and working-age children ordinarily cannot work, and the children are at risk of "aging-out" -- reaching age 21 and thus losing green-card eligibility. What's worse, if the foreign worker loses his job in the meantime, the whole immigration sponsorship process (if the family involved has the stomach to pursue it) must go back to square one. As much as America may otherwise be attractive to foreign entrepreneurs and key workers, no sane person would find the risk and limitations of these waiting periods enticing.  In a New York minute, if he were so inclined, President Obama could make the wait more tolerable.  All he'd need to do is instruct USCIS to accept for filing adjustment applications for the beneficiaries of approved immigrant visa petitions and issue a rule freezing the dependent children's age as of the date of filing the green card application.  This way, in the interim until the quota is current, the spouse and working-age children could work or study, and the foreign employee would not be tempted to give up on America, return home and compete against us.

President Obama is no fool.  He understands the link between immigration, innovation and job creation, as he explained to the crowd in El Paso:

[O]ur laws discourage [foreign students educated in the U.S.] from using those skills to start a business or a new industry here in the United States. Instead of training entrepreneurs to stay here, we train them to create jobs for our competition. That makes no sense. In a global marketplace, we need all the talent we can attract, all the talent we can get to stay here to start businesses -- not just to benefit those individuals, but because their contribution will benefit all Americans. 

Look at Intel, look at Google, look at Yahoo, look at eBay. All those great American companies, all the jobs they've created, everything that has helped us take leadership in the high-tech industry, every one of those was founded by, guess who, an immigrant. (Applause.) 

So we don’t want the next Intel or the next Google to be created in China or India. We want those companies and jobs to take root here. (Applause.) Bill Gates gets this. He knows a little something about the high-tech industry. He said, “The United States will find it far more difficult to maintain its competitive edge if it excludes those who are able and willing to help us compete.” 

So immigration is not just the right thing to do. It’s smart for our economy. It’s smart for our economy. (Applause.) And it’s for this reason that businesses all across America are demanding that Washington finally meet its responsibilities to solve the immigration problem.

Why does the President wait for Congress to act when he has his executive pen in his pocket?  Why should immediate job creation be held hostage to Washingtonian impasse, when the job-eating immigration alligators under his control can be easily restrained?  I'm no politico, but it's politics, I suppose.