Much has been written since April 17 when the bipartisan Gang of Eight senators introduced S. 744, a brobdingnagian immigration reform bill that overlays 844 pages of turgid text on top of the already gargantuan and complex Immigration and Nationality Act.  The Migration Policy Institute, the National Immigration Law Center, and the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA) have each offered a helpful analysis of the bill.  This legislative leviathan grew to 867 pages on April 30 with the substitution of a “managers’ amendment” (available here as revised and here as redlined, as well as here with AILA’s redlined section-by-section analysis released on May 1). 

Although most of the media focus has homed in on border security and the seemingly IED-laden roadway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, U.S. companies -- especially the General Counsel (GCs) who advise them -- are slated to be on the receiving end of shock and awe if the “Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act,” or BESSIE MAE, as wags like to call it, ever becomes law.

As I explained in a recent article (penned before the managers’ amendment), “Senate Immigration Reform Bill Offers Surprises Galore for Employers,” BESSIE MAE presents American companies with a slew of opportunities and burdens.  Consider just a few:

• The H-1B visa quota will rise from 65,00 to 110,000, with a phased escalation clause pushing the quota as high as 180,000 per fiscal year, based on employer demand and the unemployment rate for “management, professional and related occupations.” Yet this Faustian gift will cost employers dearly in pre-hiring recruitment, higher filing fees, increased record-keeping, expanded enforcement authority for the Labor Department, and greater potential fines and penalties. 
• Similarly, managers and executives who may or may not become L-1A intracompany transferees would be allowed to enter the U.S. as business visitors for up to 90 days “to oversee and observe the United States operations of their related companies, . . . [and]  [e]stablish strategic objectives when needed,” while “employees of multinational corporations [may] enter . . . to observe the operations of a related United States company and participate in select leadership and development training activities . . .” Yet in return, employers lose the free hand heretofore available to devise creative incentives and bonuses for their inbound expatriate employees who now, like their H-1B brothers and sisters, must be paid the " prevailing wage" under the watchful eyes of the Fraud Detection and National Security Directorate (FDNS) of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.
• In like manner, employers would be given immunity (none dare call it "amnesty") if they maintain on their payrolls workers who are undocumented immigrants but who express the intention to apply for the new Registered Provisional Immigrant status. Yet, enrollment in a veritable E-Verify on steroids will become mandatory for all employers, and the Form I-9 (Employment Eligibility Verification) will continue to be required.   Worse yet, any new hires who fail to receive confirmation of employment eligibility from E-Verify on the first try must continue to be paid, trained and employed while they pursue a host of new administrative hearing and appeal rights of indeterminate length.

Proactive GCs of corporate America should therefore make sure that their companies are ready for the tsunami of change that will sweep over the enterprise if BESSIE MAE or any equally unreasonable facsimile thereof makes it into the statute books.

The old way of managing immigration, as a backwater area of law relegated to Procurement, Recruiting, Human Resources, and Payroll Administration, or -- worse yet --  to foreign nationals seeking work visas who are encouraged or allowed to find a low-cost immigration lawyer to "help" the company, will no longer do.   Years back, it was sufficient to consider adopting tips from such articles as, "A Three-Point Immigration Manifesto For Chief Legal Officers And Outside Counsel," and “Global Mobility Management—A Primer for Chief Legal Officers and HR Executives.” Times since then, however, have changed.

To best manage risk, exploit opportunities and control costs across the enterprise while squeezing the most value out of limited resources, GCs must adopt a comprehensive plan of immigration portfolio management, whose key components should address a variety of essential concerns:

• Immigration-customized technology and tools.  Immigration Tech tools should include integrated dashboards (developed, prepared and maintained by external immigration counsel and a client-dedicated project management expert at the law firm) with "Single Sign-On" capability and screen views customized to the specific but differing needs of in-house counsel, and all other essential stakeholders within the enterprise. Access would therefore be instantly available to:   
  • an online collaboration tool using secure FTP extranet technology to exchange and logically organize immigration work product, thereby dispensing with the need to search for on-the-fly emails. 
  • a robust immigration case management system listing case status and key expiration dates for all employees on work visas or pursuing green cards,
  • user-customizable and standard reports showing deviations from internal policies and service level agreements with outside immigration counsel,
  • legal matter management, E-billing and performance analytics on immigration benefits procurement and compliance defense,
  • an "E-Room" library that houses documents which FDNS or other immigration enforcement personnel might demand to see on short notice such as H-1B public access folders, individual and multi-slot Labor Condition Applications, petitions and applications submitted to immigration agencies, recruiting and advertising materials required for immigrant and nonimmigrant work visa eligibility, vendor agreements with IT and business consulting firms that employ their own foreign workers onsite at company locations, and posting and nondisplacement attestations, and 
  • a consulting hotline and an online consulting log which serves as a knowledge-management repository for all responses to varying fact patterns, FAQs, memorandums and other oral or written guidance provided to the corporate client over time, with links to the contact information of the lawyer providing the guidance so that there is easy followup with a subject matter expert who can provide any new updates or more nuanced responses. 
• Key Immigration Performance Indicators. Metrics would be based on real-time data derived from Human Resource Information Systems that are linked and updated bi-directionally for use by internal recruiters and hiring personnel, and the business's outside immigration lawyers.
• True Partnering with Outside Counsel.  "Partnering" is a meaningless buzzword in too many law firms' pitch kits -- one tossed at chief procurement officers who claim to want quality and strategic counsel but are only willing to pay for commoditized immigration legal services offered by the lowest bidder. Real partnering looks more like this: 
  • It begins with a convergence process in which only one or at most two firms are selected after a carefully conceived request-for-proposal process is concluded, a process in which immigration lawyers come into corporate headquarters not to brag about their talents, but instead model what it would be like to work side-by-side with them to achieve the company's business mission while minimizing risks and controlling wasteful practices. 
  • The chosen law firm(s) would invest time, money and resources into a long-term relationship, offering all of the integrated legal services required in the immigration arena -- not just Johnny and Jane One-Note visa and green card services, but scalable immigration benefits-procurement assistance,  interdisciplinary immigration-compliance defense, federal court litigation and appellate law services, tax advice, U.S. and international employment law representation and export control law guidance -- all under one roof.
  • Immigration counsel would meet regularly and ad hoc as needed to evaluate the final immigration reform legislation, advocate for employer-friendly rulemaking, and map out action plans and task owners so that the enterprise is poised to pounce upon immigration opportunities with training programs and internal open-house forums for foreign nationals and managers, prepare Congressional outreach and media strategies, and eliminate or minimize old and new compliance risks.  Also included in these meetings would be an annual "Client 101" orientation program taught by in-house counsel for the external team of immigration lawyers, paralegals, project managers and administrative staff to learn all about the company and its culture and a periodic Client/Law-Firm Summit.
  • Immigration counsel would also provide benchmarking opportunities to help develop best practices based on the experience and wisdom of comparable businesses in similar industries and share knowledge and strategic thinking from other industry contacts with in-house counsel.
• Services would utilize the best principles of legal process innovation. Six Sigma, Lean Services, Voice of the Client, Scorecards, collaborative process mapping, stakeholder satisfaction surveys and other innovative practices would be employed to manage immigration compliance risks, measure performance metrics, reduce errors, speed cycle time, minimize costs and waste, and make sure that the corporate client becomes, and remains, an "immigration friendly company" to facilitate the hiring and retention of best-in-class talent.

* * *

No longer on hearing the word "immigration" should GCs be made to suffer that all-too-familiar form of queasiness which arises when an "alien" substantive-law problem lands on his or her desk.  Inoculation with a healthy dose of immigration portfolio management will provide GCs with immunity from the worst that the likes of BESSIE MAE can try to inflict on them.  So there's no reason to toss one's most recent meal.  Just take a prescription for immigration portfolio management and contact the most qualified immigration counsel to be found.

Last week, the American Council on International Personnel (ACIP) convened its 40th annual symposium in Pentagon City VA, just outside Washington DC, an event attended by scores of immigration managers and corporate counsel hailing from Fortune 500 and Forbes 100 companies.

A week earlier, on the other side of the globe, hedge funds and institutional investors following the IT consulting industry in India read "Access Denied," a report co-authored by the CLSA U and this blogger for clients of Credit Lyonnais Securities (Asia) "to help fund managers understand the latest industry trends, investment theories and macro developments that impact the markets and sectors in which they invest."

Ironically, the same questions monopolized the ACIP's panel discussions and corridor conversations, while also garnering the attention of CLSA U's clients:  

• Why are the Departments of Homeland Security and State fighting an undeclared immigration war on the consulting industry and its customers?  
• Why has the L-1B visa for persons with "specialized knowledge" -- a category readily available to "Intracompany Transferees" since 1970 -- suddenly become virtually unattainable if the foreign citizen (especially if coming from India) will be stationed at a consulting customer's worksite?  
• Why does an Administration that claims to be a friend of job-creating businesses cause projects to be delayed or cancelled, contracts to be breached and American job opportunities that would have been created to become so much collateral damage?

The war's drone attacks have increased dramatically since last year (although early casualties have been inflicted since at least 2008 when the USCIS Administrative Appeals Office issued its supposedly "non-precedent" GST decision, which offered eager adjudicators a pretext to shoot down the expansive interpretation of specialized knowledge in place since Immigration Act of 1990 and, in effect, extralegally reserved the L-1B category exclusively to persons with "unique  knowledge".

This year and last, organizations as disparate as the AFL-CIO's Department for Professional Employees (DPE), the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA), the Economic Policy Institute (EPI), the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and 63 businesses representing the crème de la crème of Corporate America -- not to mention Senators Chuck Grassley and Dick Durban -- jumped into the fray, taking sides and writing letters to the President or to Alejandro Mayorkas, Director of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS).

Director Mayorkas -- who I lauded recently in this blog -- addressed the ACIP's audience, promising that draft guidance (allowing public comment before becoming final) would be released "any day." In response to a question I posed expressing concern over the immigration agency's historic "antipathy toward business," he denied that a war was underway, or that any anti-business attitude prevailed among adjudicators.

“I have not found an institutional antipathy towards business or to any particular community,” he said in response to an audience member's question regarding the level of support USCIS will give to explicitly pro-business policies. “What I have seen is interpretations of law that don't necessarily understand sometimes the way business works and the challenges that businesses face and what the purpose of the particular visa category is.”  Source: Elliott Dube, Reporter, Bureau of National Affairs.

As we await the promised L-1B guidance on specialized knowledge, insiders report that USCIS may buckle under the weight of this war of letters and try to restrict the category notwithstanding any relevant change in law or regulation since 1990. They suggest that the agency might try to find dry gunpowder in the L-1 Visa Reform Act of 2004 to shoot down the broad definition of specialized knowledge. 

That law, however, offers USCIS no basis to restrict specialized knowledge; it merely prevents the stationing of an L-1B worker primarily at a worksite owned or controlled by another entity where either (a) the worksite entity controls the work of the petitioner's employee; or (b) the placement is “essentially an arrangement to provide labor for hire” for the worksite entity rather than a placement in connection with the provision of a product or service for which specialized knowledge specific to the petitioning employer is necessary.

The first part of the change duplicates existing law. Under the doctrine of "deemed employment," if the worksite entity were to control the individual's work while knowing that it had not petitioned USCIS to employ a foreign worker, the act of deemed employment would violate the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986. The second part of the 2004 change is also duplicative.  A foreign individual who participated in “an arrangement to provide [the worksite entity with] labor for hire” would not meet the definition of specialized knowledge and thus could never acquire an L-1B visa. 

As USCIS recognized in its implementing guidance, nothing in the L-1 Visa Reform Act of 2004 changed the definition of specialized knowledge:

[The] alien worker must be a specialized knowledge worker. The term “specialized knowledge” should be familiar to adjudicators and is defined at 8 CFR 214.2(l)(1)(D) . . . .

So, perched in our bunkers waiting for this war's next wave -- a battle for talent, a battle to enable projects that will create jobs for Americans -- anxious non-belligerents ask, will it be bombs away or bombs put away? 

At least when it comes to India, Yogi Berra had it wrong. It's not déjà vu all over again. 

Blogging this weekend from my hotel room in Mumbai, I vividly recall my first trip to India in 1993. Invited as part of an American Bar Association delegation, I spoke in New Delhi on “Nonimmigrant Visa Options for Computer Software Professionals.”

My talk took place at LEXPO ‘93, a gathering of about 800 business leaders, accountants and lawyers sponsored by the U.S. Department of Commerce and the U.S. Embassy. Audience members sat in rapt attention as tax and corporate attorneys explained the legalities of doing business in America and I outlined an array of temporary work visa categories readily available to Indians in the new field of computer software.  The World Wide Web had been conceived a scant three years earlier -- the same year Congress enacted and the first President Bush signed the Immigration Act of 1990 (IMMACT) in order to "open the 'front door' to increased legal immigration."  Given the liberalization of the closed Indian economy that began in 1991, Lexpo '93 attendees seemed giddy about the prospects for U.S.-India business collaborations and binational entrepreneurial adventures. 

In 1993, Indian managers, executives and employees with specialized knowledge could easily come to the U.S. as L-1 intracompany transferees. Likewise that year, university-educated entrepreneurs from the world's largest democracy could incorporate a U.S. entity and arrange for the startup to petition the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) to grant an H-1B visa petition.  Since IMMACT eliminated the previously daunting requirement of proving that L-1 and H-1B visa applicants maintained an unrelinquished permanent residence in India to which they would return, U.S. consular posts in India readily issued these two categories of visas to Indian applicants.

Although the intent-to-return-to-India requirement made the prospect of receiving a B-1 business visitor visa somewhat uncertain, business visas were still "doable" in 1993 for qualified applicants.  More difficult yet likewise quite attainable was the B-1 in lieu of H-1B (BILOH) business visitor subcategory for temporary professionals, established in a 1982 INS ruling involving an Indian citizen, one Mr. Srinivasan. 

Oh how the odds of Indians receiving U.S. business-based visas have worsened in 18 years.  Last week, in Bangalore, I again addressed an audience of Indian executives and entrepreneurs who this time were far more glum than giddy. The title of my presentation ("U.S. & Global Enforcement of Immigration and Employment Laws - Best Practices for Indian Companies") and accompanying slides show that America's immigration agencies have moved from enabling enterprises to opposing entrepreneurship and empowering enforcers. 

Panel after panel of speakers (all with many years of experience submitting approvable and ultimately approved cases for reputable companies) described how the visa doors have slammed almost completely shut for most Indian firms, entrepreneurs and employees who want to grow businesses or create or fill jobs in the United States: 

• They described perfunctory 90-second applicant interviews at U.S. consular posts followed by peremptory visa refusals.  (This is likely, in part, a staffing and resource issue attributable to the State Department and Congress.)
• They asked why the standards for B-1, L-1 and H-1B visa eligibility had become so much more restrictive than in years past. 
• They pleaded for more transparency and less subjectivity from U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) and the State Department when articulating the legal and factual criteria for visa issuance. 
• They wanted to know why U.S. consuls discounted as just so run-of-the-mill the extraordinary creativity and innovation of their IT professionals and businesses, even though the same talents are in high demand from American corporate customers. 
• They asked why the consular attitude at the interview had changed from 1993 (old vibe: "show me why you are eligible") to 2011 (new vibe: "defend yourself against my all but certain refusal of your visa").
• They perceived a consular strategy of denying L-1 visas (especially of the blanket variety) and pushing applicants to apply for H-1Bs even though the quota for that category will soon be depleted, leaving Indians to wonder which fortunate few can clear U.S. ports of entry in BILOH status given that U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officials often believe that the BILOH is a dead letter. (Channeling visa applicants to the H-1B and away from their preferred L-1 contravenes State’s Foreign Affairs Manual [9 FAM 41.11 N3.2, "Choice When More Than One Classification Possible"]).
• They wondered why business and work visa refusal rates are so much higher for Indian applicants than for the Chinese, Japanese, Europeans and South Americans.
• They asked aloud what message the U.S. government is sending to India when entry to America is so often barred.

Indian angst over discriminatory U.S. immigration policies is neither apocryphal nor paranoid. As Stuart Anderson of the National Foundation for American Policy recently reported.  Citing State Department data, his research reveals that "[t]he number of L-1 visas issued at U.S. posts in India declined by 28 percent from 2010 to 2011 while L-1s "issued in the rest of the world rose by 15 percent." I share the inference that Mr. Anderson, former INS Executive Associate Commissioner for Policy and Planning and Counselor to the Commissioner, drew from this wide divergence in L-1 approval rates:

This shows an enormous gap in visas issued as well as, it must be assumed, approval/denial rates between posts in India and the rest of the world, raising policy questions as to whether this great disparity is the result of a conscious policy at U.S. posts in India. This confirms what many observers have believed: an increase in denials over the past 12 to 18 months is making it far more difficult for employers to transfer employees based in India into the United States on L-1 visas. Employers say this is having a negative impact on growth, projects, and product development in the United States.

My colleague, Greg Siskind, recharactizes more bluntly Mr. Anderson's genteel questioning of the federal government's anti-Indian visa policy:

India has one of the hottest economies on the planet and we are slamming the door on entrepreneurs from those countries expanding operations in the US which very often result in hiring of US employees. Exactly the wrong policy for our times.

No kidding that India's economy is sizzling, as the U.S. Commerce Department reports in its 2011 Country Commercial Guide for India:

India is a story of growth and opportunity. India’s sustained growth of around 8.0% in 2009-10 and growing dynamism in several of its regional markets have created wide and diverse business prospects for U.S. exporters and investors. With 2011 growth estimates hovering at around 8.6%, India remains one of the fastest growing, dynamic economies in the world. . . . U.S. multinationals are sold on India and are expanding and deepening their market penetration. . . .

Economic growth in India today is being rewritten by India’s highly entrepreneurial and rapidly globalizing private sector. Indian firms are investing in infrastructure projects, growing their advanced manufacturing capabilities, and investing in new volume-based business models that tap into rising incomes and consumption in towns and rural economies across the country. . . . Indian firms are bullish about their economy and are eager for U.S. commercial and joint venture partnerships, technologies, brands, services, and know-how. . . . In 2010, U.S. exports to India amounted to $19.2 billion.

The State Department, although in cahoots with USCIS and CBP in their sub rosa efforts to deny visas or entry to Indian entrepreneurs and employees, surprisingly agrees with Commerce's assessment, as shown in the "Read Out on Secretary of State's [July 2011] trip to India":

On . . . trade and investment, both [governments] remarked on the real dynamism now in our trade and investment partnership. It was remarked that trade has gone up by 30 percent just this year alone, and investment also is growing very rapidly. In terms of the deliverables, I think you know we announced that we’ve agreed to resume technical discussions on a bilateral investment treaty [BIT] in August. And again, I think that’s important because there’s increasing flows of investments not only by the United States into India, but also by Indian companies into the United States [bolding added].

The technical discussions on a new U.S.-India BIT, which presumably would include the standard Treaty Investor [E-2] visa provision, apparently did not commence in August.  As Secretary Clinton noted in her October 14 speech on "Economic Statecraft" to the Economic Club of New York reported:

The State Department and the U.S. Trade Representatives Office will also lead negotiations on next-generation of bilateral investment treaties, the so-called BITs that protect and encourage investment. And I am pleased to announce we will soon resume technical level discussions on a new BIT with India [bolding added].

While technical talks have yet to start, U.S. immigration impositions on Indians persist. The latest burden imposed by State on Indian companies is the closure of four U.S. consular posts (New Delhi, Hyderabad, Kolkata and Mumbai) to blanket L-1 visa applicants and the insistence that all such applicants apply only at the consulate in Chennai.  India is a large country, covering some 1.27 million sq. mi., roughly a third the size of the United States.  The costs of travel to Chennai, hotel accommodations and absence from work unnecessarily burden Indian companies and visa applicants.  The official explanation for this change is phrased in a way that would make George Orwell smirk: 

This change is in order to streamline the blanket L visa issuance process, and is part of the U.S. Government’s ongoing effort to provide efficient visa services throughout India. [Bolding in original.]

I guess it's hard to kickstart economic statecraft and negotiate a mutually beneficial BIT with India when one awkward "technical" obstacle stands in the way.  Federal immigration bureaucrats must first get rid of the Indians-unwelcome mat.

The dog days of August are behind us, yet the economic doldrums persist.  Unemployment remains unchanged and unacceptably high at 9.1%. The White House forecasts that it will stay there through the New Year and then likely drop only a tenth of a percentage point for all of 2012. 

Congress returns this week to Washington. Vituperation in lieu of legislative action will soon begin. The media kerfuffle over the timing of the Obama-Jobs speech enraged most citizen observers. Meantime, pundits are asking about the content of the President's speech:  Will he go large to appease dispirited Progressives?  Or, will he propose modest measures that "the Left [won't] understand" in the hope of winning bipartisan support. 

American politicians and special interests seem to have forgotten the "vigorous virtues [of self-reliance, personal responsibility, industriousness and a passion for freedom]," as David Brooks, op-ed columnist for the New York Times, observes. Brooks argues, convincingly, that as a result of this forgetfulness (I would call it blind and callous indifference) a "specter [is] haunting American politics: national decline."

The descent, however, is not inevitable.  It can be reversed.  A largely unseen, silent, law-abiding yet shackled group within our midst embodies all of the vigorous virtues. They are the sojourners from abroad who are yoked to the constricting terms and conditions of a U.S. employer's work visa petition. These hard-working souls are prohibited by law and dubious agency interpretations from using their ideas, talents, capital and energy to start companies and hire American workers.

Fortunately, no act of Congress is required to unleash these innovators, entrepreneurs and job creators and empower them to work their magic. 

The White House already knows it possesses the authority through executive action in immigration matters.  The Administration's recalibration of its immigration enforcement priorities has evoked little public outcry.  Disinformation, however, is spreading but failing to gain much traction.  The "Backdoor Amnesty" dog has no legs and won't hunt.

If unauthorized immigrants with positive equities warrant legitimate administrative relief, as they clearly do, why not reward the more deserving foreign citizens who have patiently waited and played by the rules?  

The President should therefore continue trying to jump start job-creation and allow the next generation of Apples, Googles and as yet unimagined supercompanies to take root in American soil and thrive. The White House's early steps "to Promote Startup Enterprises and Spur Job Creation" have been criticized, however, in this blog and elsewhere, as overly narrow and unhelpful. These missteps are not failures.  They are merely invitations to persist, as the iconic American innovator, Thomas Edison, reminds us ("I have not failed. I've just found 10,000 ways that won't work").

Here then are my suggestions to President Obama for administrative reform of the legal immigration system, as presented to attendees at an outstanding event convened on August 31 in Los Angeles by January Contreras, the USCIS Ombudsman ("Listening Session to Explore Small and Start-Up Business Immigration Issues"):

• Instruct U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) to rescind the January 8, 2010 "Neufeld Memorandum" on employer-employee relationships and replace it with a regulation expressly allowing immigration self-sponsorship by owner-entrepreneurs in a broad array of work visa categories for employment on company premises and at customer sites.
• Instruct USCIS and the State Department to issue -- on an expedited basis -- replacement or initial regulations interpreting the following laws in the expansive and job-creating spirit that Congress intended: The Immigration Act of 1990, the American Competitiveness and Workforce Improvement Act of 1998, and the American Competitiveness in the Twenty-First Century Act of 2000. These regulations should, e.g., broaden eligibility for all categories of the L-1 Intracompany Transferee visa, particularly for start-up operations, function managers and specialized knowledge personnel.
• Instruct USCIS to focus on improving the quality of adjudications by improving the corps of adjudicators who make employment-based immigration decisions:
  • Impose stricter hiring requirements, including the minimum of a relevant bachelor's degree (if it takes that to receive an H-1B visa, the same should apply to grant one), strong writing and analytical skills.
  • Cause the Small Business Administration to provide training to adjudicators on the characteristics, contributions and challenges of small businesses and startups.
  • Review performance metrics and institute sanctions for improper issuance of Requests for Evidence, Notices of Intent to Deny and Revocation notices, while rewarding positive behaviors.
• Instruct USCIS to grant nonimmigrants in lawful immigration status the benefits of “parole in place” and open-market work authorization upon submission of proof that they will open a business, buy a home, hire U.S. workers or devise an innovative technology, good or service.
• Instruct USCIS to allow beneficiaries of approved employment- or family-based immigrant visa petitions whose place in the visa queue is backlogged to apply for adjustment of status (thereby entitling them to open-market work permits until they reach the front of the visa line and can receive green card approval).
• Instruct USCIS to allow Premium Processing of employment-based Administrative Appeals Office appeals and all Motions to Reopen or Reconsider along with the tolling of unlawful presence penalties and the grant of employment authorization during the pendency of non-frivolous filings.
• Instruct the Labor Department to add entrepreneurs and investors to the pre-certified Schedule A labor certification exemption, and allow an entity owned by such individuals to self-sponsor for green card status.
• Instruct USCIS to publicize its 2008 Notice prohibiting internal retaliation against small businesses, define “retaliation” broadly and pursue violations aggressively.
• Instruct USCIS to eliminate the Directorate, Fraud Detection and National Security (FDNS), and instruct U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to exercise all investigative and enforcement functions involving alleged immigration benefits fraud and immigration-related national security concerns.
• Instruct ICE to investigate only those small business violations based on articulable and reasonable cause that a violation of the INA has occurred. Stop the guilty until proven innocent approach currently in use. 
• Instruct USCIS to appoint an Associate Director who reports directly to the Director and who is solely responsible for promoting and facilitating the grant of employment based immigration benefits and reporting actions by USCIS personnel that impede, impair or deny the grant of such benefits to deserving parties. This Associate Director would also have authority to intervene under the Homeland Security Act when the State Department takes actions that unreasonably interfere with or deny immigration benefits to startups and small businesses.
• Require strict compliance by all immigration agencies with the notice-and-comment requirements of the Administrative Procedure Act and the small-business-impact analysis required under the Regulatory Flexibility Act, and phase out the practice of issuing guidance by policy memorandum.
• Instruct and empower the Small Business Administration’s Office of Advocacy to review and recommend changes to DHS, DOL and DOS rules that adversely affect job creation, entrepreneurship, investment and innovation by small businesses and start-ups.

As we await the President's address to a joint session of Congress, many anticipate that at least one proposal will be to rebuild our nation's existing infrastructure -- the roads, bridges, waterways, and rails.  Let's hope he also includes legitimate administrative fixes to our creaking and crotchety LEGAL immigration infrastructure.  American citizens looking for jobs deserve nothing less. 

President Obama has put on a good show lately about the need for the populace to rise up and pressure the GOP to enact comprehensive immigration reform.  He urges citizens to begin "a national conversation on immigration reform that builds a bipartisan consensus to fix our broken immigration system so it works for America’s 21st century economy."  With the White House claiming that "he can’t do it alone," he asks you and me to host  roundtables that will "help bring the debate to your community." 

Were it not for the Republicans who keep moving the goal posts on border security, he claimed on May 10 in El Paso, we'd be able, together, to devise the grand solution that fixes our nation's wholly dysfunctional immigration system: 

We have gone above and beyond what was requested by the very Republicans who said they supported broader reform as long as we got serious about enforcement. All the stuff they asked for, we’ve done. But even though we’ve answered these concerns, I’ve got to say I suspect there are still going to be some who are trying to move the goal posts on us one more time. . . . they said we needed to triple the Border Patrol. Or now they’re going to say we need to quadruple the Border Patrol. Or they’ll want a higher fence. Maybe they’ll need a moat. (Laughter.) Maybe they want alligators in the moat. (Laughter.) They’ll never be satisfied. And I understand that. That’s politics.

Some may be moved by his crocodile tears to swallow the notion that his hands are tied. I have a few words in response:  Balderdash. Bunkum. Hogwash. Fiddle-faddle.

Either this president is not the analytical, data-gathering, cooly-decisive and valiant leader portrayed by the media, particularly since the takedown of Osama Bid Laden, or, he is playing politics with people's lives and "America’s 21st century economy."  There's no need to repeat previous posts (here, here, here, here, here and there) on his broad executive authority to ameliorate the traumas endured by DREAMers and the other undocumented among us. 

The simple fact, known all too well by immigration insiders but rarely reported, is that President Obama could vastly improve America's competitiveness and stop the flight of foreign talent back to their homelands by reversing or recalibrating several administrative rules or rulings that have long thrown foreign entrepreneurs into the moat with the immigration alligators.  

Here are some things that President Obama could accomplish immediately, solely by executive action, to allow existing America's immigration laws to help create jobs:

• Restore Self-Sponsorship for Working Owners. Since 2010, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) has prevented foreign entrepreneurs from receiving an H-1B visa (for workers in specialty occupations).  The agency took this action notwithstanding four precedent decisions, Matter of Aphrodite Investments Limited (1980), Matter of Tessel (1980), Matter of Allan Gee, Inc. (1979) and Matter of M--  (1958), that allowed a foreign citizen to incorporate a business and use the entity to sponsor the individual's work visa or green card.  The President could easily order USCIS to withdraw the 2010 USCIS memorandum that abruptly strayed from precedent decisions, as the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA) has urged. 
• Restore L-1A Function-Manager Eligibility. The Immigration Act of 1990 (IMMACT) allows managers of essential corporate functions to qualify for an L-1A work visa (for intracompany transferees) and a first preference green card (for multinational managers).  Before IMMACT, only managers of personnel could be granted these benefits.  USCIS routinely denies function-manager requests by claiming that the person does not manage the particular function but primarily performs the function.  This interpretation has rendered the function-manager category a dead letter.  Congress had no need to create the function manager classification in IMMACT if subordinate personnel were to be required to perform the function (so that the function manager could manage it) since a people-manager category already existed. To offer a simple example, a corporate controller under the current USCIS interpretation cannot qualify as a function manager unless the person manages other people -- something that controllers rarely do. The President can easily remedy this mistaken interpretation by instructing USCIS that managers of key corporate components and functions are eligible for function-manager designation even if the individual also performs the function.  This would allow foreign entrepreneurs to create new U.S. businesses and start creating jobs for U.S. workers right away.
• Restore L-1B Specialized-Knowledge Eligibility. The USCIS Office of Public Outreach got an earful of criticism last week from stakeholders urging the agency to revert to longstanding interpretations of eligibility for an L-1B intracompany transferee visa under the specialized knowledge subcategory. In the teleconference, callers explained that the L-1B had been properly interpreted for decades until 2008 when a non-precedent decision of the USCIS Administrative Appeals Office without warning dramatically restricted its interpretation of L-1B specialized knowledge. Here too, the President could swiftly help foreign entrepreneurs create American jobs by restoring their longstanding ability to send key workers with specialized knowledge to the United States. 
• Expand Schedule A to include “special-merit” foreign citizens.  The Department of Labor (DOL) under its Schedule A regulation has long allowed persons whose skills are in short supply to avoid the labor market test normally required and obtain an employment-based green card. Schedule A now includes registered nurses, physical therapists and persons of exceptional ability. Back in 2002, AILA asked the DOL but the agency refused to expand Schedule A by allowing "special-merit" foreign citizens to immigrate. AILA made this request because the normal labor market rules deprive a wide array of worthy aliens of any opportunity for PERM labor certification.  Individuals in the unwelcome category include investors, entrepreneurs and working owners, and foreign-born employees who are “so inseparable from the sponsoring employer because of his or her pervasive presence and personal attributes that the employer would be unlikely to continue in operations without the alien”.  Under orders from the President, the expanded use of Schedule A for these special-merit foreign citizens would allow fair consideration of deserving cases that have had little or no access to labor certification under the current system.
• Allow the filing (but not the approval) of green card applications before the visa quota is open. Today, because of quota backlogs and an unfair allocation system, a person born in India holding a university degree, whose employer's immigrant visa petition has been approved, may have to wait as much as 20 years before being allowed just to file a green card (adjustment of status) application. The wait is only marginally less for those born in China.  During that time, the person's spouse and working-age children ordinarily cannot work, and the children are at risk of "aging-out" -- reaching age 21 and thus losing green-card eligibility. What's worse, if the foreign worker loses his job in the meantime, the whole immigration sponsorship process (if the family involved has the stomach to pursue it) must go back to square one. As much as America may otherwise be attractive to foreign entrepreneurs and key workers, no sane person would find the risk and limitations of these waiting periods enticing.  In a New York minute, if he were so inclined, President Obama could make the wait more tolerable.  All he'd need to do is instruct USCIS to accept for filing adjustment applications for the beneficiaries of approved immigrant visa petitions and issue a rule freezing the dependent children's age as of the date of filing the green card application.  This way, in the interim until the quota is current, the spouse and working-age children could work or study, and the foreign employee would not be tempted to give up on America, return home and compete against us.

President Obama is no fool.  He understands the link between immigration, innovation and job creation, as he explained to the crowd in El Paso:

[O]ur laws discourage [foreign students educated in the U.S.] from using those skills to start a business or a new industry here in the United States. Instead of training entrepreneurs to stay here, we train them to create jobs for our competition. That makes no sense. In a global marketplace, we need all the talent we can attract, all the talent we can get to stay here to start businesses -- not just to benefit those individuals, but because their contribution will benefit all Americans. 

Look at Intel, look at Google, look at Yahoo, look at eBay. All those great American companies, all the jobs they've created, everything that has helped us take leadership in the high-tech industry, every one of those was founded by, guess who, an immigrant. (Applause.) 

So we don’t want the next Intel or the next Google to be created in China or India. We want those companies and jobs to take root here. (Applause.) Bill Gates gets this. He knows a little something about the high-tech industry. He said, “The United States will find it far more difficult to maintain its competitive edge if it excludes those who are able and willing to help us compete.” 

So immigration is not just the right thing to do. It’s smart for our economy. It’s smart for our economy. (Applause.) And it’s for this reason that businesses all across America are demanding that Washington finally meet its responsibilities to solve the immigration problem.

Why does the President wait for Congress to act when he has his executive pen in his pocket?  Why should immediate job creation be held hostage to Washingtonian impasse, when the job-eating immigration alligators under his control can be easily restrained?  I'm no politico, but it's politics, I suppose.