Arcing toward Immigration Justice: "Illegals" No More

Thumbnail image for rainbow arc.jpgAll of us at times become dispirited.  

As I've viewed immigration over the last 40 years, passionate advocates have come and gone, fortunate foreign citizens have been granted green cards and then naturalized; but the harshness and hard-heartedness of immigration law as a reflection of American cultural norms hasn't really diminished.

For example, back in the 1980s I set a personal goal (to help end consular absolutism and introduce a measure of fairness into the visa process). In this, I have utterly failed, and have at times trended toward despondency.

Although some of the State Department's power has shifted to Homeland Security, State's Bureau of Consular Affairs has defended the prerogatives of consular officers like a hyper-vigilant Tiger Mom. Despite many articles, blog posts, ABA and AILA resolutions, and open-mike challenges at State Department public forums, visa refusals based on the decisions of consular officers on questions of fact remain virtually unassailable, as a March 28, 2013 decision of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals painfully affirmed.

But occasional discouragement is not  surrender.  As Martin Luther King, Jr., reminds and emboldens us, “the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.”

Developments this past week in American immigration have proved him right.

On Friday, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agreed to pay $1 million in settlement to a group of plaintiffs for early-morning home raids that terrorized their children. Adriana Aguilar, a U.S. citizen and the lead plaintiff, described the pain that jack-booted action by federal officers caused:

My son, who was just four years old, was crying in fear of gunmen in his home at four in the morning . . . We asked them to show a warrant or any other authority they had for being inside our home. They ignored us.

Earlier in the week, the Associated Press announced that it would no longer include the term, "illegal immigrant," in its authoritative Stylebook -- the journalist's bible. According to its Senior Vice President and Executive Editor Kathleen Carroll, the move is part of an ongoing effort by the AP to rid the Stylebook of labels (thus, schizophrenic is replaced by person afflicted with schizophrenia).   As she explained:

It’s kind of a lazy device that those of us who type for a living can become overly reliant on as a shortcut . . . It ends up pigeonholing people or creating long descriptive titles where you use some main event in someone’s life to become the modifier before their name.

Unpacking the AP move, MSNBC's Melissa Harris-Perry and a panel of thoughtful analysts offered a "MUST-WATCH" in-depth assessment of just how profound this arc-bending action in dropping the "illegal" slur is.  The panel likened the groundswell of opposition pressuring the AP on its use of the shortcuts, "illegals" and "illegal immigrant," to the lunchroom sit-ins of the Civil Rights Movement, when "colored" people were charged with illegality by virtue of geography, punished for where they sat on the planet or in the diner (or in the case of aspiring Americans, on the wrong side of a border):

 

 

Within hours of the AP change -- even faster than the two days after the Republican debacle at the polls it took Sean Hannity to flip on legalization -- the New York Times responded in kind.  Through its Public Editor, Margaret Sullivan (who last October declined to recommend any such change because readers wouldn't benefit), the Grey Lady announced that "for the past couple of months, [theTimes] has also been considering changes to its stylebook entry on this term and will probably announce them to staff members this week."

The last big thing came to view yesterday. The New York Times posted an obituary announcing the death on March 17 of Lawrence H. Fuchs. I didn't know or remember Mr. Fuchs, but the headline describing him as "Expert on Immigration," caught my eye. The obit alerted me to the seminal role he played leading up to the Reagan-era legalization program, describing him as "a federal government adviser [who in 1986] helped lay the groundwork for the last major overhaul of American immigration law."

Embarrassed about my unfamiliarity with Mr. Fuchs, and curious too, I Googled his name and found the preface to one of his books on Amazon. What he wrote there made me realize that immigration reform has already begun, that the great cultural integration of which he speaks began again -- like unseen swirls in the tide of change, cresting into huge waves bigger than Sandy -- on November 8:

Since the Second World War the national unity of Americans has been tied increasingly to a strong civic culture that permits and protects expressions of ethnic and religious diversity based on individual rights and that also inhibits and ameliorates conflict among religious, ethnic, and racial groups. It is the civic culture that unites Americans and protects their freedom—including their right to be ethnic. . . .

The system would not be severely tested as long as most immigrants were English or Scots. The new republic, as George Washington said in his farewell address, was united by “the same religion, manners, habits and political principles." But differences in religion, habit, and manners proliferated after the immigration of large numbers of Germans (many of whom were Catholic), Scandinavians and Irish Catholics throughout the last sixty years of the nineteenth century, and of eastern old southern Europeans, a majority of whom were Catholic or Jewish, in the decade before and after the turn of the twentieth. Political principles remained the core of national community. The new immigrants entered a process of ethnic-Americanization through participation in the political system, and, in so doing, established even more dearly the American civic culture as a basis of American unity.

The difference between 1990 (when Mr. Fuchs wrote, The American Kaleidoscope: Race, Ethnicity, and the Civic Culture) and now is that this time the acculturation occurred in reverse. Americans except on paper -- the DREAMers -- "established even more dearly the American civic culture as a basis of American unity" in a way that forced our language to adapt and their parents and themselves to be relieved of the smear "illegal." The revolution was not just televised, it was also publicized . . . by the Associated Press.

So watch out State.  I've got my metaphorical bow and quiver, and I'm still shooting arcing arrows of justice at consular absolutism!

The Senate Must Modify Its Filibuster Rules to Pass Comprehensive Immigration Reform

Puck cover of the Senate.jpg“ And there took place . . . [in the U.S. Senate] so many “extended discussions” of measures to keep them from coming to a vote that the device got a name, “filibuster,” from the Dutch word vrijbuiter, which means “freebooter” or “pirate,” and which passed into the Spanish as filibustero, because the sleek, swift ship used by Caribbean pirates was called a filibote, and into legislative parlance because the device was, after all, a pirating, or hijacking, of the very heart of the legislative process. ...”

Master of the Senate: The Years of Lyndon Johnson, [Vol.] III, by Robert A. Caro

The fight to end the pirating of legislative progress, the effort by Sen. Harry Reid (Democratic Majority Leader), and supported by President Obama, to soften the rough edges of the filibuster, is the talk of Washington and the media.   If Reid's proposals were as drastic as Sen. Mitch McConnell (GOP Minority Leader) asserts, this alleged wielding of the "nuclear option" -- the cutting off of otherwise unlimited debate in the Senate --  might threaten the precious checks and balances of constitutional government.  But McConnell weeps alligator tears.

Reid proposes only to modify but not eliminate filibusters of the type memorialized by Jimmy Stewart in Mr. Smith Goes to Washington, where a steadfast minority of senators speak from the well and address the "World's Greatest Deliberative Body" without respite.  Majority Leader Reid would merely reverse the more recent relaxation of the filibuster that allows a senator to express the intention to filibuster, thereby requiring a 60-vote majority to invoke cloture (a call to vote on a pending bill).  Reid would make changes that -- as Washington Post reporter, Ezra Klein, notes -- are "not dramatic":

[Sen. Reid] wants to be able to make the motion to debate a bill -- but not the vote to pass it -- immune to the filibuster; he wants the time it would take to break a filibuster to be shorter; and he wants whoever is filibustering to have to hold the floor of the Senate and talk.

Klein also suggests:

None of these changes would alter the basic reality of the modern U.S. Senate, which is that it takes 60 votes to get almost anything done. In my view, that means they wouldn’t do much to fix the Senate at all. (Emphasis in original.)

His assessment is too pessimistic. With just a bit more tweaking of the filibuster, say, by ending debate on a vote of 57 senators, gridlock would be reduced.  Furthermore, with such a change, the sway of the swing vote -- just as in the Supreme Court where Justice Anthony Kennedy carries great clout -- would minimize polarization.  It would also promote greater compromise and empower moderates of the minority party and independents. 

We no longer live in the time of Lincoln when robust Senate debate was witnessed merely by the eyeballs in the Gallery or readers of limited-circulation newspapers. Social media spreads audio, video and text of Senate proceedings in real-time around the globe.  Consider, for example, the favorable reaction to Sen. Bernie Sanders' "The American People are Angry" speech railing against income inequality in 2010 that quickly went viral.

Consider also the role that popular outrage at the endorsement of such inhumane policies as self-deportation and "attrition through enforcement" played in marginalizing the GOP and the anti-immigration fringe in the last election.  Just as wide publication of these anti-immigration sentiments led growing numbers of Latino and minority voters to feel disrespected and to reflect their displeasure in the voting booth, xenophobic oratory by senators droning on for hours, while their views and videos are tweeted in real time, will cause public opinion to register support for comprehensive immigration reform (CIR).

Without a softening of the filibuster rules, we're likely to witness, as we already have seen, the resuscitation of previous small-bore CIR proposals that merely traded legalization with a path to citizenship and modest future flows of temporary workers for greater border and worksite enforcement.  While these measures are necessary in any CIR bill, they don't go nearly far enough to address America's 21st Century needs. As NAFSA, the Association of International Educators, recently noted:

In the acrimonious political debate about immigration reform, we lose our way by embracing a mistaken, zero-sum approach to permanent immigration. Proposals like H.R. 6429 [providing expedited green cards for students with STEM degrees but eliminating the Diversity Visa lottery -- a measure opposed by the President ] in this context appear guided by the fear of doing anything that increases the number of people who may immigrate to the United States. There is no reason to regard the current annual limit on the number of green cards as sacrosanct law.

At a time when Republicans are trying to cut out the Diversity Visa lottery and its 55,000 annual green cards, America faces the lowest birth rate on record and an aging population.  Cities like Detroit face bankruptcy unless infusions of new immigrants with their innovations and investments are welcomed through reforms of the immigration lawsSkilled immigrants matter. So do "Immigration Entrepreneurs." But America's outmoded visa quotas, pulled from thin air rather than derived through empirical evidence, demoralize and dissuade intending immigrants.  Just as pressing, cross-border families deserve the most important of family values, the right to live together, free of heartless, quota-induced separations.

Republicans are searching the wilderness in three camps seeking a principled immigration policy.  One group remains full-throatedly opposed, like Mark Krikorian, dubbed an "anti-immigration scholar/kook" by Salon's Alex Pareene; another proposes miserly, piecemeal reforms like the Achieve Act, which would be a stricter DREAM Act with no path to citizenship (other than the second class variety); and a growing number favor CIR.

An improved set of filibuster reforms, while still protecting minority rights, might just peel off enough moderate Republicans to enact America-friendly CIR.  Go Harry Go!  

The Democrats' Immigration Position: Better But Blemished

The Democratic Convention in Charlotte ended last week. The media has now turned to measuring and marveling at President Obama's post-convention bounce despite weak Labor Department data revealing persistent joblessness.

The inevitable comparisons of the two parties' convention performances give the edge to the Democrats' oratory, production values, crowd enthusiasm and diversity.  On immigration policy, the Dems offered more substantive messaging, while the GOP stressed photogenic speakers with ancestral memories of arrivals long ago

An historic moment occurred with a convention address in Charlotte by an undocumented immigrant, Benita Veliz, class valedictorian and DREAMer extraordinaire, whose brief remarks Dan Stein of the anti-immigration hate group, FAIR, predictably assailed as “nothing more than a celebration of lawlessness.”

Commentators contrasted Republican Marco Rubio and Democrat Julian Castro (“To Mr. Rubio, Hispanics are refugees from foreign oppression, who want government to let them alone. . . . In contrast, . . . Mr. Castro . . . sees government as an essential enabler of ethnic assimilation and success”). And insiders, perhaps unwittingly, assured full employment for dentists by their vigorous teeth-gnashing over the irreconcilable differences between the parties on immigration policy. The only item of apparent common ground is the issuance of quick green cards for STEM graduates. (See Immigration Impact's platform analysis here, and AILA's take on the same topic here [AILA InfoNet Doc. No. 12090541, membership required].)

Given the parties' chasmic differences, is comprehensive immigration reform (CIR) still a bridge to nowhere?  Perhaps not. A convention segment last week on POTUS (Politics of the United States), the satellite radio station, entitled "Hispanic Voices," offered a plausible route to CIR:  

  • Latino voters turn out in large numbers; 
  • Obama is reelected, but one Congressional chamber remains under GOP control; 
  • Some Republicans -- at last seeing a desolate future because the demographic tide has washed away so much of their base -- want the contentious issue of immigration behind them; 
  • Obama offers the GOP a choice of legislative compromise or more executive orders on immigration that whittle down the undocumented population by creating administrative avenues for relief; 
  • This time a deal is struck.

Central to the success of this prediction is heavy Latino turnout, something to be swallowed with a sizable chunk of salt. Many of his supporters are still smarting from the broken campaign promise to address CIR in his first year as President, as well as his Guinness-record reputation as Deporter-in-Chief. Others perhaps view jobs and the economy as more important than immigration. Still others fear that Obama may cave on CIR as he reportedly did in 2007 when casting an "Aye" vote on a killer amendment to limit the guest-worker program to five years, a move that derailed the Kennedy-Kyl CIR compromise, or question Democratic resolve to pursue immigration reforms that fundamentally help people or merely curry favor and votes.

Even if Latinos flock to the polls, and the "Hispanic-Voices" scenario begins to materialize, CIR will be no cakewalk.  

Democratic versions of CIR have favored more exacting worker protections in the H-1B and L-1 categories and more frequent audits of employers than the business community may be willing to tolerate. The allocation of visa quotas for H-1B jobs and family-versus-business green cards -- with family unity getting the lion's share over employment-based slots -- may create fissures in the CIR coalition.  There remains contention over the Draconian 1996 smack-downs of due-process protections for immigrants, a bone of T-Rex proportions in an era where even the protection of abused immigrant women is the sticking point in the current fight over renewing the Violence Against Women Act. And almost no one is talking about sweeping changes that would make the system more user-friendly, rational and simple -- a task that would require a kind of robust country-first statesmanship that, alas, has been AWOL for many years.

Maybe the parties can start building compromises on the business-immigration side, with solid assurances that other key elements of CIR will get their due as negotiations succeed on the low-hanging fruit; or maybe not.  

Until November's outcome reshakes the political Etch-A-Sketch, the future foretells more DREAMers like Benita Veliz stirring our hearts with DACA-spawned inspiration while immigration opponents remain intransigent and hateful like the GOP's Steve King of Iowa who still claims to have complimented immigrants by comparing them to dogs.

Immigration Protectionism Costs America Billions

pensive youth.pngI worry a lot about the future facing America's young adults.  Saddled with Dickensian levels of college and grad-school debt, largely unable to find opportunities in their preferred careers, our young fear that they'll be relegated to work in low-paid, dead-end jobs. They and their parents are rightly concerned that the middle class is disappearing, the gulf between the ultra-rich and the poor is growing, and citizens coming of age today may never achieve the American Dream of economic progress.

The country's political, labor and business leaders seem to think the solution lies in restoring our nation's former prominence in manufacturing:

At the Second Annual Conference on the Renaissance of American Manufacturing held in Washington on March 27, speakers from the Obama administration, the Mitt Romney and Rick Santorum presidential campaigns, Republican and Democratic senators, CEOs, and representatives from labor, think tanks and trade associations all agreed: the renewal of American manufacturing should be a top economic priority.

Richard A. McCormack, "Is Momentum Building For Adopting A New Manufacturing Policy Agenda, Or Is The Interest Due Only To The Upcoming Election?" Manufacturing & Technology News, Mar. 30, 2012.

I'm not persuaded.  Don't get me wrong, this native Detroiter was glad when the Obama Administration stepped in to save the U.S. auto industry. Despite the protests of a certain "Son of Detroit," the de facto GOP nominee for president, who would have "Let Detroit Go Bankrupt," and now derides the auto bailout as "crony capitalism," maintaining a base level of domestic manufacturing is an important element of our national security.

But it's not the key to our economic salvation.  Slate's Matthew Yglesias makes the point well in "Forget the Factories [-] Obama’s foolish obsession with manufacturing jobs will make America poorer":

[If] you look at America’s metropolitan areas, it’s clear that manufacturing-oriented places are relatively poor. The wealthy clusters in the United States are built around things like software, biotechnology and medical devices, higher education, finance, and business services. Places like California, Minneapolis, Seattle, and the Northeast corridor are far richer than the factory-oriented Rust Belt and Southeast.

Rather than overemphasize the rebuilding of its industrial base, America should play to its true strengths. We are the "crazy ones" who "think different", the dreamers (and DREAMers), the visionaries and innovative problem-solvers. Although we've fallen behind in the STEM fields, and must therefore refocus our emphasis on math and the sciences, we are blessed as a nation with an abundance of creative savants who color outside the lines. Our technology dazzles and transforms the world as Hollywood entertains it.

These strengths illustrate the fundamental economic principle of comparative advantage -- do only what you do best and let others do their own best thing. It works domestically, for example, when companies make the "buy or build" decision and choose to focus on core competencies.  It would work as well in the global economy if trade were truly free and fair, protectionism were eliminated, and guarantees of minimum labor standards and trade dislocation payments were universally achieved.

If America played to its strengths, our leaders would promote basic research and development, and generally decline to let government pick winners and losers. They would recognize that service industries today account for almost three-fourths of all American jobs, and that the upside potential for better-paying jobs lies more in services than in manufacturing.

J. Bradford Jensen, professor of economics and international business at Georgetown University, makes the case for increased services trade convincingly in his 2011 book, Global Trade in Services: Fear, Facts, and Offshoring, and in the video below:

 

Similarly, The New York Times' Catherine Rampell reported last week:

In the United States, services increasingly dominate the economy. Employment in this sector has risen steadily since the 1960s, with 70 percent of Americans now working in service industries. And America already exports more services than any other country in the world, even more than the next two competitors combined. In 2011, that amounted to $612 billion exported in services, up 10.1 percent from 2009, and up 136 percent since 1991.

Still, there is great untapped potential for more, since all of these exports are being sold from a tiny share of all the American companies that could participate in the global marketplace.

"Some Urge U.S. to Focus on Selling Its Skills Overseas," April 10, 2012.

What's stopping us from exporting more services (a market likely to add another $800 billion to our GDP)?  

dollars.jpg

Agricultural subsidies are partly to blame. They are a significant obstacle that discourages developing countries from talking about eliminating trade-in-services barriers. Ag subsidies also create "push" factors, as when many Mexican corn farmers, unable to compete with U.S. agribusiness, abandoned their fields and entered America illegally after Mexico, the U.S. and Canada enacted the North American Free Trade Agreement. As Ron Nixon of The New York Times notes, were we at least to cap artificial farm price supports, we could save billions.

Steel protectionism is another culprit.  Our would-be trading partners have seen America (the leading proponent of free trade) as behaving hypocritically when President George W. Bush imposed tariffs on imported steel in 2002 and again when Congress enacted and President Obama signed the American Recovery and Relief Act in 2009 (with its "Buy American" requirements to purchase iron, steel, and manufactured goods for use in public construction and public works projects).

Global trade in steel and farm products are important to be sure.  Lowering these trade barriers globally or regionally (while providing trade adjustment assistance and retraining for displaced workers) would be beneficial.  It would allow American consumers to purchase more goods at lower cost. The real promise of American prosperity lies, however, not so much in eliminating barriers to trading tangible commodities, but rather in exploiting our lead in the international trade for services.

The primary impediments to the negotiation of liberalized trade-in-services treaties are found among the miserly visa quotas and contrived labor-market-testing provisions codified in the Immigration and Nationality Act, as even more strictly interpreted by anti-free-trade apparatchiks in the executive branch.  

Other pernicious immigration laws likewise limit American export of services. There are the U.S.-worker preferences of the 2009 Economic Recovery Act (which I assailed at the time as "Protectionist Turducken, Immigration Style").  There is also the 2010 law imposing extortionate and exorbitant filing fees, to be paid mostly by Indian companies, to fund the sovereign function of border security -- imposts that the Indian government is now challenging as illegal trade barriers in its complaint against the U.S. in the World Trade Organization.

The Times' Catherine Rampell in sleuthing out the cause for global restraints on trade in services concludes her article by identifying the prime culprit:

Perhaps the most basic constraint is not abroad but here in the United States, which has relatively tight immigration controls. Services often require workers to travel freely across borders. Asking India to allow American consultants to enter and leave Delhi at will is difficult if the United States cannot — or, more accurately, will not — reciprocate. Economists acknowledge concerns about freer trade displacing some American workers. But they say the United States would nonetheless have a net gain in jobs if borders everywhere were more open.

“We need to have a visa policy that allows businesses to operate efficiently at home and abroad, and that allows all professionals to be able to move back and forth between corporate offices,” said Jeffrey J. Schott, a former trade negotiator and now senior fellow at the Peterson Institute. “If we don’t, why would anyone else?”

Perversely, U.S. immigration policies are not just bars to global services trade.  They also impair our ability to compete successfully in the world's marketplace for services.  Peter Whoriskey of the Washington Post explains:

If demography is destiny, the U.S. economy may be in the midst of a decades-long slowdown. The U.S. labor force is growing at about half the rate it was 20 years ago; according to recent projections by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, it will continue to expand at a slightly lower pace through 2020. . . .

“In the end, what an economy is depends upon how many bodies you have,” said Anthony Carnevale, an economist and director of the Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce.

Carnevale added that if the diagnosis for what ails the economy is the size and quality of the workforce, that may be good news, at least compared to theory that the biggest problem is foreign competition. “To the extent this is a domestic demographic problem, it’s more in our control,” he said. “We can’t blame the Chinese for the quality and quantity of our domestic labor force.”

man and bar code.jpgIndeed, America's domestic demographic problem is in our control.

The remedy will not be found, however, by rebuilding our manufacturing base to its former glory, or, as some have recently done, by warring with women on family planning decisions.

The U.S. will only correct its trade imbalances, redouble the nation's sizable lead in the global trade for services, and create high-paying U.S. jobs for present and future generations, by modernizing our creaky, crotchety immigration laws.   

Power-Mad Career Immigration Bureaucrats Cry Wolf, Spook DHS Leaders

Thumbnail image for wolf_howling_rear.jpgImmigration stakeholders howled with joy this week over an announcement by Janet Napolitano, the Secretary of Homeland Security (DHS), and the DHS agency, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), about the forthcoming publication of a new immigration regulation.

Usually, the intention to publish a rule is no cause for huzzahs.  But this Notice of Intent is different.  It presages a rule that would prevent the separation of families for up to ten years by allowing unlawfully-present immediate relatives of U.S. citizens to file "provisional waiver" applications in the U.S. rather than abroad.

Under the rule as proposed, waiver applicants would be required to show that extreme hardship would befall their citizen family members if the three- and ten-year unlawful-presence bars were to apply as written in the Immigration and Nationality Act.  Individuals granted a waiver would be assured that they could appear for an immigrant visa interview at a U.S. consulate or embassy outside the country and be able to turn right around and be allowed back in as permanent residents (assuming that unlawful presence is the only inadmissibility ground the consular officer uncovers at the interview).

The announcement generated praise from editorialists (a "Common-Sense Immigration Move") and the immigration bar ("the move is . . . smart enforcement because it will reduce the illegal immigrant population and allow [DHS] to better focus its resources on keeping America secure and safe"). However laudable the effort to establish a "provisional waiver" rule that avoids family separation, its scope, regrettably, is limited. It ignores the pain of family separation where the qualifying relative is a permanent resident who suffers hardship no less extreme than a citizen's, and only covers unlawful-presence waivers, even though the immigration laws provide several other inadmissibility grounds that permit an extreme-hardship waiver.

The overly narrow scope of the proposed in-country waiver rules is understandable, however, in light of other reports this week which received far less notice but still caused immigration insiders to howl, this time in fear, along with alternating yelps of outrage. 

Three articles from The Daily, "a national multimedia iPad publication" subsidized by the Rupert Murdoch empire, reported the leaked contents of a draft DHS Inspector General report commissioned at the behest of Republican Senator Charles Grassley. The Daily articles carry breathless headlines conveying the sense that dastardly deeds are about to be uncovered ("RUBBER STAMP[:] Probe reveals feds pressuring agents to rush immigrant visas – even if fraud is feared," "PUSHING THE ENVELOPE[:]Immigration counsel in conflict-of-interest probe over visa approval," and "IMMIGRATION SCANDAL PROBE[:] Congressional panel to investigate claims officers were pushed to OK visa requests"). 

The first article is based on a "40-page report, drafted by the Office of Inspector General in September but not publicly released, [which] details the immense pressure immigration service officers are under to approve visa applications quickly, sometimes while overlooking concerns about fraud, eligibility or security." The article, citing the IG's draft report, notes that out of 254 immigration adjudicators interviewed 25% reported that "they have been pressured to approve questionable cases, sometimes 'against their will.'”  The IG does not identify any wrong-doers by name.  Yet The Daily article, illustrated by a mocked-up photo of immigration applications bearing multiple red "APPROVED" rubber stamps, proceeds to pin the wrap on USCIS Director, Alejandro Mayorkas, as the alleged perpetrator-in-chief who, it would seem, countenances fraud as a volitional byproduct of his supposed "get to yes" campaign. 

The Daily's initial article quotes unidentified adjudicators who claim they were demoted for declining to approve legally undeserving cases or replaced by officers willing to "get to yes". None of the 75% of adjudicators who disputed the claims of pressure to say "yes" is quoted in the article, only private lawyers who nonetheless believed that "officers are just looking for reasons to deny a case".  The accompanying photo and the "RUBBER STAMP" headline suggest the accuracy and thoroughness of the reporting. The immigration forms depicted are immigrant visa applications which applicants submit to the State Department, not to USCIS.  The reporter, moreover, presumes that the griping adjudicators actually know the immigration law  -- even though precious few adjudicators are lawyers. 

I wrote this email to the reporter with a caption, "Much more to the story than you've published," offering reasons why the initial article was incomplete, and asked for a copy of the unpublished IG's draft report.  Her answer: "We are not distributing the draft report as of yet, but I’ll reach out to you when I do a followup."  Despite two later, equally sensational articles, the reporter has not reached out, suggesting that getting to the facts about the USCIS California Service Center (CSC) -- the source of the original complaint to Senator Grassley -- is not a high priority. 

The Daily's second article is essentially a vindictive hit job on Roxana Bacon. A former USCIS Chief Counsel (who after her departure rebuked the USCIS for a host of failings), ex-Prez of the Arizona State Bar and past General Counsel of the American Immigration Lawyers Association, she apparently jousted internally over the question whether the University of Arizona knew better than a CSC adjudicator if "a visiting scholar of geography from Mongolia," petitioned as an O-1 (Extraordinary Ability Alien), should be allowed to fill an assistant-professor post. 

Although the second article notes the IG's reported belief that her "efforts were not based on reasonable interpretations of the law,” I have my sincere doubts, especially without seeing the underlying case file.  Roxie Bacon and I were partners for eight years at a prominent international law firm (Bryan Cave LLP) where we co-managed a group of ten immigration lawyers and 20 paralegals. She practiced immigration law for over 30 years and is razor-sharp in intelligence and first-rate in her understanding of the legal requirements for extraordinary ability.  On the other hand, I, like the immigration lawyers quoted in the article who criticized USCIS adjudicators' decisions, have often seen CSC opinions laden with failures of logic, misreadings of the facts, and plainly erroneous legal analyses, slathered over with large dollops of syllogistic and disingenuous pseudo-reasoning.  In other words, until all the facts are revealed, my experience with Roxie and with the CSC, cause me to give her the benefit of the doubt.

The final article in this trilogy, "IMMIGRATION SCANDAL PROBE[:] Congressional panel to investigate claims officers were pushed to OK visa requests," shows how politics is played in an election year.  Rather than waiting till the Inspector General completes his report, House Judiciary Committee Chairman, Republican Lamar Smith, is eager to investigate alleged abuses that "threaten 'the integrity of our immigration system.'”

Indignant at the charges, Rep. Smith told The Daily:

“It’s outrageous that administration officials would compromise national security for their own political agenda and gain,” Smith said, pointing out that visa applications often lead to U.S. citizenship. “The president’s most important job is to protect the American people, but it seems this administration is more interested in ignoring immigration regulations than making sure those who come here will not cause us harm.”

(This is the same Rep. Smith who -- in most un-Republican fashion -- has cozied up to the ICE officer's labor union, which "so far [has] not allowed its members to participate in the training" required to exercise prosecutorial discretion properly when enforcing the immigration laws.)

MV5BMTI0NTE2Mjg2MV5BMl5BanBnXkFtZTcwNDAyMTEyMQ@@._V1._SY317_CR3,0,214,317_.jpgWhat The Daily's reporting fails to recognize, however, is that the conjured controversy within USCIS is merely an internal employment dispute magnified by a small group of power-mad, disgruntled and insubordinate adjudicators masquerading as whistleblowers who -- like Peter and the Wolf, imagine or fabricate broad-based threats to the immigration system and the nation's security.  In reality, these adjudicators are "mutineers" who use Washingtonian gamesmanship to fight Director Mayorkas "tooth and nail over every innovation and improvement he [has] proposed." 

Imagine what DHS might have done and yet do to improve the workings of the legal immigration system were it not for the spine-chilling howls of riled adjudicators who trump up controversies merely to play out the clock (they hope) till a different administration comes to power -- one that might be pleased to return to the "culture of no." Consider also another type of "Howling" -- one from the 1981 film of the same name, in which a reporter "is sent to a . . . center whose inhabitants may not be what they seem."

Guest Immigration Post: What Are We Paying for? USCIS and the I-526 Exemplar Process

[Blogger's Note:  Today's post comes to us courtesy of my colleague, Brandon Meyer, a prolific writer whose analysis and commentary cover a wide array of immigration law topics.   Brandon offers a spirited post on a troubling aspect of the EB-5 employment-creation immigrant investor green card category. Thanks to him for having allowed me to be in top holiday spirits, undiverted from the season's pleasing diversions by the labor of love that is www.nationofimmigrators.com.]

What Are We Paying for? 

USCIS and the I-526 Exemplar Process

By Brandon Meyer 

Currency Tipsy Investor.jpg[Author's Prescript]: In the spirit of fairness and open dialogue, I contacted the Community Relations Department of the California Service Center prior to publication to elicit their comment.  No reply was received. 

USCIS Director Alejandro Mayorkas deserves credit for trying to bring meaningful procedural and operational reforms to USCIS in general and to the EB-5 program specifically.  He has pushed for regulatory clarity, consistency of adjudications, and most notably, the introduction of premium processing for EB-5 petitions.  However, the Director’s hard work and good will are in danger of being wasted by his own organization.  A salient example of how the Director’s own agency actively undermines his initiatives is brought to the fore when considering the sham that is the I-526 exemplar process. 

USCIS Propaganda: 

The concept of the I-526 exemplar petition was introduced by the December 11, 2009 memo on “Adjudication of EB-5 Regional Center Proposals and Affiliated Form I-526 and I-829 Petitions; Adjudicators Field Manual (AFM) Update to Chapters 22.4 and 25.2 (AD09-38) (the “Neufeld Memo”).[1] 

The theory behind allowing qualifying Regional Center projects to file so-called “Exemplar Petitions” was to improve overall EB-5 processing.  If a project submitted a sample I-526 petition for prior USCIS review and the project did not materially change over time, then the subsequent I-526 petitions were supposed to be processed in a more consistent manner.  At first, exemplar processing was a courtesy provided free by USCIS.  An exemplar was filed and eventually USCIS would issue an approval notice.  Since there was no fee for an exemplar, USCIS did not issue an I-797 receipt notice upon filing.[2] 

Something changed around Fall 2010.  My office filed an I-526 exemplar petition in October 2010, just prior to the implementation of Form I-924 and the attendant $6,230.00 filing fee.  We received an I-797 receipt notice based on this exemplar filing in which the filing was deemed an amendment to the Regional Center’s designation.  Legally, this was not correct.  The exemplar filing neither asked for an expansion of the Regional Center’s area of geographic scope, nor was the filing asking for the addition of a new industrial focus.  The filing was simply requesting pre-approval of a new project in an area where the Regional Center was already established and in an industry for which it was likewise already approved.  So why was this exemplar classified as an amendment?  USCIS was gearing up for the money grab. 

In the intervening two years since the Neufeld Memo appeared, USCIS has said time and again that the exemplar process was meant to improve the adjudication of subsequently filed I-526 petitions. 

The Reality: 

Apologies to the late Edwin Starr and his classic 1969 anti-war song, “War,” but paraphrasing his lyrics provides us with a clear picture of the reality of the I-924 exemplar process as applied by USCIS.[3] 

            “Your Exemplar.  What is it good for?” 

            “Absolutely nothing!  Say it again!” 

            “Your Exemplar.  What is it good for?” 

            “Absolutely nothing!” 

It has become painfully obvious, despite Director Mayorkas’ public comments and USCIS written guidance to the contrary, that USCIS has no intention of honoring its numerous promises to give deference to an I-526 exemplar approval.  EB-5 stakeholders continue to receive Requests for Evidence (“RFEs”) for I-526 petitions based on approved exemplar petitions where there was no change to the project.  The RFEs are questioning aspects of the EB-5 projects, aspects that were reviewed (or were supposed to have been reviewed) during the exemplar process.  So why was the project good enough during the exemplar process, but now magically deficient when serving as the basis of an I-526 petition?  Did USCIS just cash the $6,230 check, put the filing on the shelf for months, then pick it up and send an approval without reviewing it? 

So why is USCIS issuing RFEs for I-526 petitions for project-related questions vetted and approved during the exemplar process?  The Neufeld memo quoted above states on page four: 

A previously favorable decision may not be relied upon in later proceedings where, for example, the underlying facts upon which a favorable decision was made have materially changed, there is evidence of fraud or misrepresentation in the record of proceeding, or the previously favorable decision is determined to be legally deficient.”[4] 

The reasons outlined for not giving an exemplar approval deference are fair enough.  However, none of the RFEs for I-526 petitions based on an approved exemplar make of these assertions, nor has the exemplar petition approval been reopened for any of these reasons.  Therefore, USCIS is not following its own guidance. Is this intentional or does the left hand not know what the right hand is doing? 

During the September 2010 EB-5 stakeholders meeting held at the California Service Center, USCIS officials told the audience that stakeholders were going to be happy with the November 2010 introduction of Form I-924, with its $6,230.00 filing fee, as well as the increase in the Form I-526 filing fee to $1,500.00.  How could this be, I asked?  The answer I received was that these astronomical fees would allow USCIS to raise headcount by hiring more adjudicators and more specialist business analysts and economists.  The logical outcome, of course, would be that not only would sluggish, slothful, or glacial processing times remarkably improve, but the quality of adjudications would also improve and become more consistent!  “What could be better?”  “How could you not like these fees?”  “We’re giving you want you want!” 

Well, I was skeptical about this bright-future propaganda that was being force-fed on the EB-5 stakeholder community then, and the events of the past 15 months have confirmed my initial pessimism.  Processing times have not budged one bit.  It still takes USCIS eight months to process an I-526 petition.[5] The quality and consistency of EB-5 adjudication has not improved either.  Stakeholders regularly receive RFEs for specious reasons based on shaky reasoning.  Thus, if these high fees were the solution to the problem of slow and inconsistent processing, the solution has failed. 

During the November 2011 AILA California Chapters Conference, my San Diego AILA colleague Kimberly Roubidoux noted wistfully that when she began her career in immigration law, H-1Bs cost $85.00 and were adjudicated in three weeks by the Vermont Service Center.[6]  Today, H-1Bs can cost up to $3,550.00 in filing fees and the Vermont Service Center now needs four months to make a decision on an H-1B.[7]  Yes, folks, you are paying 41 times more to get something 5 ½ times slower.  Now that’s value. 

As we know, USCIS is mostly funded by user fees and the agency must periodically justify to the U.S. Congress that its fees are appropriate.  Yet, as fees increase across the board, service fails to improve.  How can USCIS continue to justify its fees? Sadly, I would be willing to surmise that USCIS could raise I-526 filing fees to $5,000.00 and I-924 filing fees to $25,000.00 and we would still fail to see any the benefits promised by USCIS during the September 2010 EB-5 stakeholders meeting. 

Yet, despite the failure of increased fees to improve EB-5 processing times and service, Director Mayorkas wishes to implement premium processing for certain Form I-924 applications and possibly certain Form I-526 petitions.  The Director’s rationale is sensible and worthy of support.  Job creation and investment are often on hold while the Forms I-924 and I-526 remain stuck for almost a year each in the bowels of the USCIS California Service Center.  However, Director Mayorkas unfortunately misses the point.  Fees at any level would fail to solve the problem.  The problem is the perverse incentives that USCIS faces when trying to fund its own operations. 

I generally do not subscribe to conspiracy theories.  Conspiracy theories are best left to people who can spends weeks at a time camping out in parks and public squares, protesting whatever it is they’re protesting (these people would benefit immensely from the job creating stimulus of a functional EB-5 program). I will nonetheless offer my own conspiracy theory.  EB-5 stakeholders have noticed an upswing in EB-5 related RFEs (although USCIS would probably dispute this assertion, they always do until the true numbers eventually leak out) and another slow down in processing times that coincides with the Director’s initial announcement that he wished to introduce premium processing into EB-5.  Coincidence?  I don’t think so. 

Another factor driving this upsurge in EB-5 RFEs is also too coincidental to be anything but deliberate.  As referenced above, the EB-5 unit has seen an upsurge in headcount funded by these skyrocketing fees.  The RFEs that question the basis of exemplar approvals tend to be focused on the business plans and economic studies included as part of the approved exemplar petition.  Therefore, I surmise this trend is also intentional as a way for USCIS to justify expanding its headcount in this area, under the “look, just look at these bad business plans and economic studies.  Good thing we hired all these people.  Let’s give ourselves a pat on the back for our foresight.” 

For years, the EB-5 stakeholder community has had to listen to a series of unconvincing excuses as to why premium processing was inappropriate for EB-5.  “Impossible.”  “EB-5s are too complex.”  “We can’t guarantee that we can process in 15 days.”  And my favorite, usually offered in a dismissive manner, “nothing is a priority if everything is a priority.” 

By pushing premium processing, Director Mayorkas, knowingly or otherwise, is offering a direct challenge to these years of accumulated dismissals of the idea that premium processing could work for EB-5. 

Therefore, my conspiracy theory is that this upsurge in EB-5 related RFEs and a slow down in processing times is part of a deliberate bureaucratic counterattack to delay and hopefully kill off Mr. Mayorkas' EB-5 premium processing idea once and for all.  How sad would that be?  While USCIS career bureaucrats protect their turf and reputations, job creation and investment in the U.S. remain stalled.  Yes, indeed.  The American people are being held hostage.  USCIS can hire as many “Entrepreneurs in Residence,” and bring in as many business process consultants as they want.  The underlying problem will not change. 

Don’t get me wrong.  Obtaining an exemplar approval is not entirely useless.  It continues to serve as a mechanism for new projects affiliating with existing Regional Centers to show that USCIS recognizes this affiliation.  With the Regional Center marketplace becoming more crowded and fake Regional Center projects popping up from time to time, an exemplar approval can be useful in marketing to show potential investors that the project is real.  However, providing Regional Center projects with marketing credibility was not, and should not be the intention of the exemplar process. 

While the theory behind the exemplar process is exemplary, the reality of the situation has become an absolute joke, a shameless money grab.  So the next time you feel like filing an exemplar and paying the $6,230 I-924 filing fee, do something more useful with that money.  Put the money pile in a fireplace and light it on fire. You’ll get more out of it, such as keeping warm on a cold winter’s night or possibly toasting some marshmallows if you're motivated. 

Brandon Meyer is Principal of Meyer Law Group, a full service immigration law firm with offices in Stamford, CT and Solana Beach, CA.  His e-mail address is Brandon@meyerlawgroup.us.


[1] “Adjudication of EB-5 Regional Center Proposals and Affiliated Form I-526 and I-829 Petitions; Adjudicators Field Manual (AFM) Update to Chapters 22.4 and 25.2 (AD09-38), December 11, 2009.

[2] I asked the question during the March 2010 stakeholders outreach session, “well, if you won’t issue an I-797, how do we know you have the filing and are working on it?”  The answer I received was something to the effect of “trust us.”

[3] See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edwin_Starr, last accessed December 21, 2011.

[4] 2009 Neufeld Memo, page 4.

[5] See the latest California Service Center processing time report as of November 14, 2011, http://www.aila.org/content/default.aspx?docid=37645, last accessed December 21, 2011.

[6] The principal blogger of www.nationofimmigrators.com, Angelo Paparelli, was also a panelist during Kimberly’s reminiscences.

[7] See the latest Vermont Service Center processing time report as of November 14, 2011, http://www.aila.org/content/default.aspx?docid=37649, last accessed December 21, 2011.

Telling Immigration Stories: It's Not Just about Code Sections

From the first prehistoric evenings sitting around campfires, humans have been telling stories. Heroic myths, fairy-tale fables, oral histories -- all have been seared into heart and memory through the power of narrative. Civil and criminal trials are merely stylized forms of storytelling.  Journalism's hook, theatre's Sturm und Drang, reality television's sour and sweet confections -- all are bottomed on stories.

Although I've mentored dozens of able and bright immigration lawyers, some new, some not so, I continue to be amazed at how few appreciate the power of telling stories (double entendre intended).  Sadly, the unscrupulous -- the notarios, consultants and sleazebags with a law license -- know too well the power of storytelling -- but I'm talking about truthful, factual, accurate stories, not fabrications.

SHYMIA-HALL-large.jpgSome stories tell themselves, like the saga of my pro bono client, Shyima Hall.  Born in Alexandria, Egypt as Shyima Hassan, one of 11 children in a poor family, she is sold by her mother at age 9, and smuggled into America a year later to work for a wealthy Egyptian couple in my town, Irvine, California, a 'burb often rated, ironically, one of the most crime-free cities in America. After three years of captivity, working night and day for the couple and their five children, sleeping in their unheated, unlighted garage, washing her clothes in a bucket, she is spotted by a suspicious neighbor who tips off the police. The couple is convicted and Shyima is taken to Orangewood orphanage, then adopted by a foster couple, and along the way befriended by a compassionate agent of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).  

Shyima obtains a green card as a Special Immigrant Juvenile.  After high school, she travels around the country with ICE to speak about the dangers of human trafficking and urge trafficked victims to be brave and come forward. She volunteers with the Public Law Center, the Orange County Human Trafficking Task Force, and other anti-slavery groups such as the Coalition to Abolish Slavery and Trafficking

Years later, serendipity leads me to Shyima (who is now a young adult).  It prompted me on a whim to pop into the office of an ICE communications officer to say hello at the close of a USCIS California Service Center Stakeholders Meeting. The officer tells me about Shyima and her goal to become an ICE officer, but also of this amazing woman's preliminary need to find pro bono counsel who'll help her become a naturalized American. Asked to find Shyima pro bono counsel, I volunteer myself and my firm. The media have followed Shyima's story, since she was first released from captivity, and again just last week in this Los Angeles Times piece and this AP article as well as the following video, shot on the day of her oath-taking and embrace of American citizenship.

Not all immigration stories flow naturally with such a dramatic arc. Some are hidden and must be teased out and coaxed to appear. Immigration lawyers who can do this, in my view, "are worth their weight in gold," as another immigration-agency communications officer, Karen Kraushaar, once told the Washington Post (before she moved on to another federal job and later joined other women accusing Herman Cain of sexual misconduct  -- a totally different story in itself).

In truth, Ms. Kraushaar was referring to Immigration law's complexity ("[It's] a mystery and a mastery of obfuscation"). While surely the ability to traverse code sections, regulations, policy interpretations and institutional history matters (as the Supreme Court unanimously demonstrated this week in the Judulang case), that's not the whole story. 

Green Card Stories.jpgTelling immigration stories matter(s) just as much, sometimes more. Good immigration stories entice.  Unlike the physical imprisonment of Shyima's Irvine garage, they create emotional captivity. They have the power, as in Shyima's case, to melt the (too-often) frozen heart of ICE. Take for instance the 50 real-life biographies depicted so well, with vivid photos and eloquent word pictures, in a new book, Green Card Stories. These stories, however, did not tell themselves.  They required worth-their-weight-in-gold immigration lawyers (mostly members of the Alliance of Business Immigration Lawyers) to bring them to life.

Immigration lawyers, paralegals, U.S. citizen spouses and families of the foreign born, employers of non-citizens, and would-be Green Card holders:  Read this book! It will inspire you to make your clients', families', employees' and your own Green Card stories a reality. These stories, like all well-told immigration biographies, humanize the demonized and prove that they are worthy of welcome. These dramatically revealed tales of truth and hardship, often extreme and exceptional, unmask the lies of the nativists and the naïve, who make or believe the make-believe memes about immigration, legal and illegal. They help us "Define American."

These immigration stories are not woven of mere gossamer words that violate immigration law [INA § 274C(f)]; stories that break the law are "false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement[s] or material representation[s], or [have] no basis in law or fact, or otherwise fail . . . to state a fact which is material to the purpose for which it was submitted." Rather, the stories of which I speak are knitted with the strong, resilient threads of lawyerly due diligence and probing curiosity It also helps to have a liberal arts education and to embrace the inquisitive Socratic method. Contrary to the Gingrich who stole Christmas, it is not limited to one in 11 million and does not require 25 years of physical presence in this country.
These recountings are best backed by documentary proof, powerful visual images and the sound of a ringing, truthfully spoken tale. As Rod Stewart (himself a naturalized American) might wail, EVERY IMMIGRANT TELLS A STORY!
 

Legislatively Required, Bureaucratically Enabled Immigration Deaths

skull.jpgMany dysfunctions within the immigration ecospace are disturbing, but some make my blood boil.  The conniption that brought me to this Howard Beale moment erupted after I belatedly read a Forbes online article, published last April, by Osha Gray Davis ("A Death in Juarez: How U.S. Immigration Policy Is Tearing American Families Apart"). The Forbes piece reported on two people murdered in the Mexican border town of Ciudad Juarez and countless others living there in fear (just across from El Paso, ironically, one of America's safest cities) while waiting for the completion of snails-pace immigrant visa procedures at the U.S. consulate.    

Sadly, Americans by now may be inured to the everyday nature of the drug cartels' killing fields in Mexico, particularly in Juarez.  Last year, 15,000 people were slaughtered in Mexico -- the direct or collateral damage from the drug wars. Juarez, with over 3,000 killings a year, has earned a macabre distinction as Mexico's Murder Capital.  Just this month, two U.S. citizens, a mother and son from Kansas, died there when assault-rifle fire sprayed their SUV.

The situation has become so dire that even the Department of Homeland Security recognizes the importance of returning deportees to the interior of Mexico, far from Juarez, in order to "safeguard" the "the health, dignity, and well-being of undocumented migrants during the repatriation process."

DHS solicitude for the safety of the deported is commendable.  But why does it not also extend to more deserving Mexican citizens who, as the parents and spouses of U.S. citizens, may be eligible to receive green cards?  Why is it official U.S. policy that these immigrant visa applicants are permitted to appear for their mandatory visa interview only at the U.S. consulate in this city of blood lust? 

The problem is not a small one.  The consulate in Juarez is "the largest issuer of [U.S.] immigrant visas in the world," according to the U.S. Government Accountability Office.  Neither is the waiting time trivial.  The U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services Ombudsman reports that half of the Mexican citizens seeking U.S. immigrant visas who require a waiver of inadmissibility, usually on a showing of extreme hardship to a U.S. citizen spouse or parent, must wait up to 12 months for a decision in their case.  Since a wait of even one day in Juarez may make the applicant a sitting duck for cartel violence, a year-long wait is simply unconscionable.  Worse yet, as explained below, if a waiver application is denied, the family separation may be for ten years or more.

This deadly form of Juarez red rover arises primarily from a failed experiment in 1996 at the instigation of Representative Lamar Smith -- now Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee -- who championed the "unlawful presence" bar to reentry that became part of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRAIRA).  The bar in most cases involves a decade-long ban on readmission to the U.S. (unless an extreme-hardship waiver is granted) for persons who entered illegally or overstayed the time period granted by the government.  The ten-year bar (like IIRAIRA's three-year and permanent bans on returning) is triggered only after the overstayer or EWI (one who "enters without inspection") has left the United States.  Thus, what might otherwise be a one- or two-day game of consular Russian Roulette in Juarez (as immigrant visa and waiver processing are completed) becomes a one- or ten-year-long exposure to cartel carnage for the 50% of extreme-hardship waiver applicants who are not granted expedited review or are denied a waiver.

As a 2011 law review article ("The American Dream Deferred: Family Separation and Immigrant Visa Adjudications at U.S. Consulates Abroad") argues persuasively, the "choice" facing U.S.-citizen spouses, parents and children of either separation from a loved one for up to ten years (if the waiver is refused) or relocation of the family to a narco-state (my wording) is a Morton's fork on which no one should ever be forcibly skewered:

This form of collective punishment is anti-family and can send ripple effects throughout American communities, from home foreclosures to an increase in single parent households. It is a drastic penalty to impose considering unlawful presence in the U.S. is a civil violation that has gone largely unenforced for many years. It also discourages families from participating in the legal immigration process due to the risk of a potentially devastating separation. After more than ten years since the passage of the unlawful presence bars, it is now appropriate to look closely at their impact and examine whether they constitute sound public policy.

Although IIRAIRA and the administrative time required in the waiver adjudication process might seem to mandate this result, existing executive authority to administer the immigration laws readily allows for a suitable fix (until Congress can be persuaded to repeal the unlawful presence bars).  Here are various actions the Obama Administration could take to solve the problem:

  • Grant "parole in place" and expand the "technical-reasons" or no-fault-of-the-applicant forgiveness provision of Immigration and Nationality Act § 245(c) to allow persons otherwise required to attend an immigrant visa interview in Juarez to apply for their green cards through the adjustment of status process. This is the best option for non-willful overstays and Dream Act kids who EWI'd because the unlawful-presence bar would not be triggered and extreme-hardship waiver adjudication would be unnecessary since the applicant would not leave the United States; or
  • Adopt a policy to confer extreme-hardship waivers within the U.S. before the consular interview to all non-criminal Mexican applicants based on the dangerous conditions in Mexico and the overriding equity of the family relationship to a U.S. citizen relative.  This is similar to an old Immigration and Naturalization Service Operations Instruction and a precedent decision, Matter of Cavazos, which allowed comparable applicants to obtain green cards through adjustment of status despite inadmissibility; or
  • Shut down the U.S. consulate in Juarez until conditions in the city are safe.  (The State Department did close the Juarez post for a few days after two consular employees were killed last year.) State should instead designate alternative consular posts after negotiating with one or more friendly and safer countries to allow Mexican applicants eligible to apply for a hardship waiver to enter for the purpose of attending the consular interview.  This approach would be modeled after the "stateside criteria" and "third-country processing" arrangements with Canada and other nations in the 1980s for Iranians and other foreign nationals who could not travel to their country of citizenship or last residence because of the unavailability of consular facilities there.  It would require an agreement with the host countries to assure the readmission of any denied applicants through the grant of advance parole to reenter.  Denied visa applicants given advance parole and readmitted to the U.S. would then be eligible under current law for adjustment of status, if USCIS granted an extreme hardship waiver, or for prosecutorial discretion, if the waiver were denied.

As these options show, seemingly mandatory legislative procedures that lead to immigration deaths only appear necessary if the Administration is unwilling to look under the hood of the immigration laws to find more compassionate and life-saving alternatives. End the immigration deaths in Juarez NOW.