No Longer Illegal, But Still An Alien

[Blogger's Note:  Our guest blogger today is Careen Shannon, who is Of Counsel at Fragomen, Del Rey, Bernsen & Loewy, LLP and an Adjunct Professor of Law at the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law in New York. This is an updated and condensed version of an article Careen wrote for the online magazine Salon.com. Careen Shannon and Austin Fragomen blog about immigration issues at Fragomen on Immigration.] 

 No Longer Illegal, But Still An Alien

By Careen Shannon

 

liveth.jpg

When I lived in Japan in the early 1980s, they called me a gaijin: literally, an outside (gai) person (jin). While adults in the small town in which I initially resided generally satisfied themselves with staring at me wordlessly as I passed by, small children would often feign fear and yell “gaijin!” and then run away from me, screaming. I moved to Tokyo just when the film E.T. was released in Japan—which teenaged boys took as license to yell “E.T.!” when they saw me on the street. They tended to say it with a certain swaggering bravado, as if they were so above calling me gaijin like their country bumpkin cousins had done. But the implication in their clever pop culture association made my position in society clear, if it hadn’t been already: I wasn’t just a foreigner, an outsider. I was an alien. I might as well have been from outer space.

As Angelo has already reported here, and as I wrote recently in an article on Salon.com entitled “Stop Calling People Aliens,” the use of the word “illegal” to describe non-citizens who are present in the United States without authorization is finally beginning to die a well-deserved death, at least in the mainstream press. The announcement by the Associated Press in April that it would no longer use the word “illegal” to describe a person, only a status or an action, was quickly followed by a number of other major newspapers, including the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times and the Denver Post.

Despite this trend, the term “alien” remains not only in popular use, but also in the federal statute that regulates immigration to the United States, the Immigration and Nationality Act, which defines “alien” as “any person not a citizen or national of the United States.” The text of the comprehensive immigration reform bill recently approved by the Senate Judiciary Committee does nothing to upset this long-standing practice. Like the Japanese word gaijin, the word “alien” serves to exclude those upon whom it is bestowed. While it is true that Black’s Law Dictionary defines “alien” rather dispassionately as “[a] person who resides within the borders of a country but is not a citizen or subject of that country,” the colloquial use of the term is closer to its “regular” dictionary definition: “strange” or “repugnant” or “in science fiction, a being in or from outer space and not native to the Earth; extraterrestrial.”

Some may say that calling immigrants “aliens” doesn’t really matter, especially when the word is embodied in our law as a term of art. But I think it does matter, and I am not alone in this belief. When I was called “E.T.” in Japan many years ago, I could laugh it off because I knew that I would be returning to the United States once my graduate fellowship was complete. The epithet did not have any long-lasting impact on how I perceived myself as a human being. For immigrants to the United States, however, whether they are here without authorization or have immigrated through statutorily sanctioned channels, the lingering after-effects of the designation are undoubtedly harder to shake off.

As Professor Kevin R. Johnson, Dean of the University of California at Davis School of Law, has put it, “[t]he concept of the alien has … subtle social consequences…. [I]t helps to reinforce and strengthen nativist sentiment toward members of new immigrant groups, which in turn influences U.S. responses to immigration and human rights issues.” Keith Cunningham-Parmeter, an Associate Professor of Law at Willamette University College of Law, wrote a fascinating article for the Fordham Law Review in 2011 called “Alien Language: Immigration Metaphors and The Jurisprudence of Otherness.” In it, he applied research in cognitive linguistics to critically evaluate the metaphoric constructions of immigrants in U.S. law. He found that the three conceptual immigration metaphors that dominate legal texts—immigrants are aliens, immigration is a flood, and immigration is an invasion—influence not only judicial outcomes, but also social discourse and the broader debate over immigration reform.

A quick look at the history and etymology of the word “alien” in English is instructive. The word “alien” is thought to have entered the English language sometime between 1300 and 1350 from the Latin. The Latin word aliēnus derived from the earlier alius, meaning “other” or “else.” So an “alien” is, essentially, someone who comes from somewhere else. The Oxford English Dictionary (OED) cites the first legal usage as dating from 1522, in a law enacted under the reign of Henry VIII. Fast forward to early American jurisprudence, and the U.S. Constitution gives Congress the power “[t]o establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization.” The Naturalization Act of 1790—the first American law touching at all on the subject of immigration—provided the first such set of rules, allowing Congress to naturalize “any Alien being a free White person,” so long as such person met certain residence requirements, established that he or she was a person of good moral character, and took an oath or affirmation to support the Constitution of the United States. And thus was the word “alien” enshrined in U.S. immigration law.

What does outer space have to do with any of this? As it turns out, the use of the word “alien” to refer to creatures from outer space is much more recent than one might imagine. The earliest uses of “alien” as a noun to refer to extraterrestrials date from the early twentieth century. In 1935, Earl Binder wrote of a “Robot Alien” in the pulp science fiction magazine, Wonder Stories. In 1931, Nat Schachner & Arthur Leo Zagat wrote about “ten-foot tall aliens” in Venus Mines. And in 1912, Edgar Rice Burroughs (best known for his Tarzan stories) had a Martian character in A Princess of Mars call earthling John Carter “an alien.” This means that we had already been calling foreigners aliens for centuries before we started using the word to refer to extraterrestrials.

The surprising conclusion this leads to is that it’s not that we think foreigners resemble Martians, it’s that we think Martians resemble foreigners. Put another way: it is not the case that, the first time we saw a foreigner, he reminded us of an imaginary space creature. Rather, when we in the English-speaking world first conceived of the possibility (or at least first started writing about the notion) that there might be Martians (green skin and all that), the only image we could bring to mind was of a foreigner—and therefore the only word we could think of using was one that we already used to describe odd, strange, foreign beings. The fact that we appear to have named extraterrestrials after foreigners, rather than the other way around, reveals both the fear and the nativism at the heart of the immigration debate, and we ignore this at our peril.

Dismissing objections to calling immigrants “aliens” as political correctness run amok misses the point. The fact is that language has power. Changes in how language is used can lead to changes in how power is wielded. For example, nowadays, it is socially unacceptable for a white man to call a black man “boy,” but for years this was accepted practice in polite society—and, it is now commonly understood, not only reflected white society’s racism, but served to perpetuate the oppression of African-American men. Calling a grown woman a “girl” has a similarly belittling effect, and the fact that the practice has not yet been universally repudiated tells us something important about the continued inequality of women in American society.

As Professor Catherine MacKinnon of the University of Michigan Law School has written, “Social inequality is substantially created and enforced—that is, done—through words and images.” Referring to immigrants as “aliens,” when “alien” is commonly understood to be derogatory (whether because it means foreign, or strange, or brings images of extraterrestrial space creatures to mind), not only reflects immigrants’ place in American society, but in a very real way it enforces it. And be honest, now: which of the following is closer to what comes to mind when you hear the term “illegal alien” or “undocumented alien”—a German graduate student who has overstayed her visa, or a Mexican laborer who has illegally crossed our southern border? I think it’s a safe bet that, whatever your political persuasion, you were more likely to think of the Mexican.

In her seminal book, Language and Woman’s Place, linguist Robin Lakoff declared that “[l]inguistic imbalances are worthy of study because they bring into sharper focus real-world imbalances and inequities. They are clues that some external situation needs changing….” While she was specifically discussing terms she considered demeaning to women, her point is equally relevant to terms that are demeaning to immigrants. Lakoff has also said that “linguistic and social change go hand in hand: one cannot, purely by changing language use, change social status.” It is, however, sometimes difficult to tease out what is cause and what is effect. Does social change create language change, or does language change create social change?

My article in Salon generated a lot of comments, most of which were unpleasant and aggressive, to put it mildly. One person even went to the trouble to track down my email address, and sent me a lovely piece of hate mail. This all just proves the point that the term “alien” is loaded with prejudice. While changing the language won’t eliminate the prejudice, sometimes the best thing one can do is to shine a light on a problem. The responses to my article certainly indicate that I hit a nerve.

According to Lakoff, “[A]t best, language change influences changes in attitudes slowly and indirectly, and these changes in attitudes will not be reflected in social change unless society is receptive already.” As a member of a community of lawyers, scholars, advocates and others who work with, and care deeply about the plight of, immigrants in this country, I feel that we have a duty to do what we can to make society receptive already. So let’s stop calling non-citizens aliens. Let’s just call them people.

A New Immigration Recipe: Specialty Chefs Need a Dream Act Too!

dsc_5254.jpg[Blogger’s note:  Today’s guest blog is by my friend and scholarly colleague, Nathan Waxman.  Nathan revisits an issue he first considered eight years ago in this space when he bemoaned the increasingly poor quality of ethnically authentic food in New York City, and laid the blame upon our immigration laws.  Having suffered through several more years of culinary displeasure, and at last seeing a glimmer of hope for immigration reform, Nathan now offers an analysis of the current immigration mess and an enlightened solution.]


A New Immigration Recipe:

Specialty Chefs Need a Dream Act Too!

By Nathan Waxman

 

A guest blog by this author in April 2005 (“Is That Chipotle in My Sushi?”) reported on the adverse interplay of two laws:  the 1996 enactment of Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) § 212(a)(9) and the sunsetting of INA § 245(i) in April 2001. That post noted how the rapidly proliferating small-to-medium sized, and particularly family-owned, ethnic restaurants were coping, largely unsuccessfully, with the distasteful consequences of Congress’s enactment of § 212(a)(9), the “unlawful presence” bar of up to ten years prohibiting the grant of permanent residence to most aliens who have tallied more than 12 months of unauthorized stay in the United States. To add to the dyspepsia, Congress had failed to renew a 1994 law, the temporary but vital remedy of § 245(i), which allowed qualified immigrants who had failed to maintain legal status nonetheless to obtain a green card in the U.S. through adjustment of status. 

Fast forward eight years. Despite the economic doldrums, gastronomic diversity is here to stay.

  • Thai restaurants can be found on the remote eastern shore of Virginia, just miles from the island home of the fabled wild ponies of Assateague. Indeed, once concentrated in major urban centers, Thai and Vietnamese (especially pho) restaurants are now nearly as common as pancake houses in small-town middle America.
  • Taquerias  increasingly outnumber diners and “greasy spoons” along the highways and byways of America, from Alabama to Oregon.
  • Ethiopian and other African cuisines have escaped the gravitational pull of coastal urban centers and can be found in medium-sized cities and suburbs throughout the country.
  • Regional Indian and Chinese food has penetrated small-town America, and fusion restaurants have burst out of the urban bubble and are thriving in smaller cities and towns throughout the country. 

So who is browning the pungent Indian fenugreek and stewing the fiery Ethiopian doro wat?  

In 2005, restaurant owners were already recruiting staff of heterogeneous ethnicity from the available populations of experienced work-authorized kitchen crew. However, at the time of the 2005 blog post, few foresaw that the number of  people seeking third employment-based preference immigrant visas would cause a persistent retrogression of the quota and in turn would be as toxic as a poorly-filleted fugu by virtually eliminating labor certification and immigrant visa sponsorship as viable options for filling permanent positions in the ethnic restaurant industry.

Clearly, the malaise of 2005 has deteriorated into a debilitating chronic condition for small-to-midsized local restaurants serving ethnic cuisines. 

Skilled advocacy, when the facts are right, can enable elite restaurants, ethnic or otherwise,  to use such nonimmigrant visa categories as H-1B, E,  L-1 or O-1 visas, or the EB-1 or EB-2 immigrant mechanisms, to secure the services of a rarefied stratum of culinary professionals or managers. However, the typical independently-owned ethnic restaurant, whether in the America's Heartland or in an  emerging urban neighborhood, cannot ethically or practically avail itself of these more difficult nonimmigrant visas or, indeed, of equally challenging immigrant visa sponsorship these days. 

cook8.jpgThe four case scenarios below show how the inadequacies of U.S. immigration law have made it increasingly difficult for small-to-medium sized ethnic restaurants to staff their kitchens with qualified workers who can please demanding restaurant patrons seeking the best in ethnic cuisines.

A pioneering  authentic Thai restaurant in the Chicago area

A Thai couple has run several authentic Thai cuisine restaurants on Chicago’s north side and in Chicago’s northern  suburbs since the early 1980s. While the owners obtained residence in the early 90s using the L-1A / EB-1(3) two-step that lets experienced multinational managers or executives become permanent residents as managers or executives of a U.S.-based business, few small ethnic restaurants today can successfully rely on an intracompany transfer. In the ensuing years, their family-style restaurants won accolades by using fresh and authentic Thai ingredients, and they sponsored several chefs who invoked the clemency afforded by the now virtually dead § 245(i).

Since 2005, our restaurateurs have tried, unsuccessfully, to recruit qualified Thai cuisine chefs from the U.S. worker population. While labor certifications in 2005 (prior to the implementation of the U.S. Department of Labor’s PERM online program in that year) were mired in the Department’s mismanaged attempt to reduce backlogs, the employment third preference for other than China and India was generally current. 

Ironically, not long after the implementation of PERM, around the time of our last blog, retrogression set in and has steamrolled to the point that Worldwide EB-3 is more than six years backlogged.  Thus, the Thai restaurateurs in Chicago, though close to retirement, remain trapped in the kitchen.  They are faced with the impossible dilemma of waiting six or more years to bring a chef over from abroad or, on the other hand, risking employer sanctions in the futile attempt to obtain permanent residence for a non-work-authorized, albeit qualified, domestic employee. They are fully aware that, without Congressional reinstitution of  § 245(i), or amendment of  § 212(a)(9) to provide realistic  opportunities for exemption from the draconian 10-year bar, labor certification would be a colossal waste of resources and time. 

An Armenian restaurant in a working-class New Jersey town

In 2003, the owner-operator sponsored a chef who had been grandfathered under § 245(i) and who left employment for greener pastures while awaiting certification of his pre-PERM labor certification.

Unable to recruit a qualified chef domestically, the owner substituted a chef who was working in the capital and largest city of Armenia, Yerevan. After overcoming numerous tribulations, in 2011 the substitute chef finally appeared before the U.S. Consulate in Yerevan. The Consul, however, requested additional financial documentation and proof that the sponsoring restaurant still existed and still intended to employ the beneficiary. Sadly, the sponsoring restaurant had fallen on hard times in the small north Jersey town of privately owned homes, half of which were underwater on their mortgages. The Consul denied the visa and returned the file to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services for a recommended revocation. Ironically, the owner, himself a chef of modest skill who had been doing the cooking since the original beneficiary left six years previously, attributed the failure of his business not just to the decline of the town, but to his inability to hire a chef well versed in the nuances of authentic Armenian cuisine.

A pricey Mughlai tandoori restaurant in Manhattan’s East 50s

A restaurant dedicated to preserving luxe Delhi-style tandoori (clay oven) traditions sought the services of a highly skilled chef working at a 5-star tandoori palace in Delhi, India. Like the unsuccessful Armenian chef in Yerevan, the tandoori chef had never been to the United States. The restaurant in New York filed a labor certification in early 2003.  A full decade later, the restaurant, which has undergone several changes in management, still awaits a visa appointment in light of the decades-long Indian EB-3 green card backlog.  The restaurant has made do with moderately skilled chefs, including one whose original training had been at a brick oven pizzeria, but the results are less than stellar. Tandoori calzone, anyone?

A Chinese restaurant in the northernmost county of Maine

Disclaimer:  I have never represented Mai Tai restaurant in Presque Isle, Maine, nor have I eaten there. However, I had heard of it even prior to its moment of infamy, when it was featured in ICE’s November 15, 2012 press release trumpeting Mai Tai’s payment of $13,744 for Form I-9 (Employment Eligibility Verification)  employer-sanction violations. I was familiar with Mai Tai because I have visited several Chinese nationals, clients of mine, who teach at the Presque Isle campus of the University of Maine (UMPI), located a few blocks down US 1 from Mai Tai.

Notwithstanding Mai Tai’s hokey 1950s-esque name, my clients at UMPI assured me that the beleaguered restaurant presented a pretty decent North American version of Chinese food, and was one of the only places in town where you can get green vegetables. Presque Isle, after all, is deep in the north woods of Maine and far from the clambakes and lobster pots of cozy Kennebunkport.  

While we cannot be sure what motivated Mai Tai to transgress the laws against hiring the unauthorized, it’s easy to imagine how challenging it must be to hire specialty chefs in that land of doughnuts, mooseburgers and French fries. While not as backlogged as India’s EB-3, China’s EB-3 is still set back well over six years. We lack reliable statistics on the longevity of newly established independent restaurants in Presque Isle, but a casual stroll down Third Avenue in Manhattan will confirm that the life expectancy of newly established non-franchised ethnic restaurants in the U.S. is much less than the half-life of plutonium. The fact is, most restaurants cannot wait six years, much less six months, to on-board a qualified chef.

* * *

cook11.jpgIn my 2005 post, I complained that § 212(a)(9)’s sting and § 245(i)’s demise were depriving the food-lovers among us of faithful representations of traditional ethnic dishes, whether they may be Venezuelan arepas (corn cakes) or Finnish pasties (meat- and vegetable-filled pastries). Now we must suffer unpalatable visa backlogs in the employment-based third preference.

Will Congress come to our aid?

Will Congress rescue the many food aficionados among us with a Dream Act for restaurant workers?

And, while they’re at it, can they make it easier for the local repair shop to bring in a German mechanic to fix my European diesel?

Ultimately, tax-paying American employers who satisfy the Department of Labor’s test of labor market unavailability through the PERM process should be able to serve their constituents and communities by adding to their work force tax-paying employees earning the prevailing wage, whether at a restaurant, a car repair shop, or a foreign language school. 

Guest Blog: All I Got for Christmas Was a Crumb-y Immigration Compliance Checklist

[Blogger's Note:  Today's post brings a bit of holiday cheer from my colleague and I-9 expert, Nicole ("Nici") Kersey.  I want to publicly thank her for allowing me a Christmas break from blogging, and for the delicious chocolates.

Also, there's still time to nominate Immigration's Winners and Losers for the 2012 Nation of Immigrators Awards -- The IMMIs

Tweet your nominees on Twitter at #2012IMMIS or email me.]

All I Got for Christmas Was a Crumb-y Immigration Compliance Checklist

By Nicole Kersey

Cookies for Santa.jpg

I was recently asked to provide a single tip/piece of I-9/E-Verify advice for employers as part of a holiday-themed post for another blog.  I was happy to do it, but I felt like a kid sitting on Santa’s lap being told that I could only ask for one gift.  If you’ve ever been in my closet, well, that’s creepy.  But you would know, from the fact that I buy the same shirt in 3 different colors, that I am not good at choosing just one of anything.    

So when Angelo Paparelli asked whether I might give him the gift of a week off from blogging (he didn’t know I’d already sent him chocolates), I first wrote a lengthy piece about the day that I accidentally shaved off my eyebrow (then drew it back on with purple eyeliner), but I couldn’t find a way to make the story relate to immigration.
 
Then I realized I was in that rare “wishing for more wishes situation.”  I guess that makes Angelo the genie.  Or Santa?  I’ve mixed metaphors again.  D’oh!  (Dough?) 
I guess we will be leaving metaphorical cookies out for Santa this Christmas Eve.  (Smart cookie, tough cookie … I plan to milk this for all it’s worth.)
Tough Cookie.jpgSo my holiday gift to you:  Ten of my greatest tips for avoiding liability for immigration-related violations.  [Yes, I know it is one of the worst Christmas gifts ever, but I’m not rolling in dough, so that’s the way the cookie crumbles.  And if you are my 2-year-old daughter and have suddenly developed the ability to read, do not fear (you smart cookie, you)!  I splurged on something a little more fun for you.]
  1. Provide mandatory annual I-9 training to everyone involved in the I-9 process.  This is the least expensive and most effective way to limit liability.  Invest in good training by an attorney with I-9 expertise.  See here for more.  
  2. Don’t make the mistake of assuming that, because you know you don’t employ any unauthorized workers, you don’t face much risk in the event of an ICE inspection.  I have handled cases in which ICE found zero unauthorized workers and imposed crippling fines for paperwork violations.  I’ve also handled cases in which more than half of the workforce was found to be unauthorized, and no penalties were imposed.
  3. Do not assume that your I-9s are perfect.  In my experience, the employer with perfect I-9s is a myth.  In all likelihood, you have some I-9 errors in your (actual or virtual) filing cabinet.  The key is finding out how much risk you face then doing a cost-benefit analysis to determine the appropriate level of remediation.  
  4. Make sure you have a strong immigration compliance policy in place, that the policy reflects your corporate culture (a cookie-cutter policy is better than nothing, but the best policy is one that requires compliance and works for you), and that the policy is Thumbnail image for Cookie cutters in color.jpgreflected in your culture (read:  actually follow it).  Ensure that team members are given responsibility for relevant aspects of the compliance policy and that their annual review process includes consequences for ensuring compliance (or for failure to do so).  In the event of an ICE inspection, ICE may ask to see a copy of your policy.  Having a good policy in place may help you to prove that any mistakes could be attributed to a “rogue” manager (and may thus help you avoid liability).  
  5. In addition to a compliance policy, develop an investigation response protocol.  This ensures that all team members know what to do & who to call (other than Ghostbusters) in the event of an ICE inspection or other immigration-related government site visit.  For more, see here.   Also consider sending Angelo a copy of Ghostbusters for Christmas [Editor's Note:  Please don't!]; rumor has it, he has never seen this snickerdoodle of a film.  
  6. Talk to an attorney to do a quick review of your operations to ensure that you are in compliance will the relevant E-Verify laws. Do not assume that, because you haven’t heard anything about a law affecting you, you aren’t required to use E-Verify.  A number of E-Verify laws, rules, and regulations have taken effect in more than a dozen states, and depending on the language of the law and the number of employees you have, you may risk losing your business license if you fail to use E-Verify.  
  7. If you’re not required to use E-Verify, consider using it anyway.  There are serious pros and cons to consider, but you get brownie points (yeah, yeah, I know they’re not cookies, but they are relatives, and Christmas is all about family, right?) with ICE for using it, and if you have any paperwork errors lurking in your I-9 filing cabinet (see #3:  you do), using E-Verify may help you avoid fines.  
  8. If you are involved in a merger, acquisition, or other corporate reorganization, raise immigration issues early.  Ask me for a due diligence checklist.  I-9 liability can affect price and even kill a deal.  If one of the companies involved in the transaction uses an electronic I-9 software program, the fate of the electronic I-9s must be determined early (will the newly formed company keep the electronic I-9s, use the same software?).   “Regular” immigration issues should also be discussed.  To the extent that employees are working under employer-sponsored visas or are in the middle of an employment-based green card application process, the employers must determine what (if any) paperwork must be filed (and when) to ensure that the employees do not lose their work authorization.
  9. Don’t be “e-terrified,” but be cautious. Electronic I-9s and E-Verify can improve compliance, but a flawed electronic system can create greater risk than flawed paper I-9s. Understand that the process of “going electronic” may be a time-consuming task. If you do it right, it will be worth the time and effort.  See this article for more details.  
  10. Watch this video.  It is about cookies.  It has nothing to do with immigration.  (Well, that’s not entirely true.  Frank Oz (voice of Cookie Monster) was born in England and immigrated to the U.S. when he was 5 years old.)  Unless you are the Grinch or a close relative, it will make you smile.  And “smile and be nice” = some of the best legal advice I’ve ever heard.   

Merry Christmas!

Immigration D-Day for DACA: Get Protection!

Invasion of Normandy.jpg[Blogger's note:  Tomorrow, August 15, 2012, is perhaps as momentous to DREAMers as D-Day, June 6, 1944, was to The Greatest Generation.   The invasion of Normandy marked the end of World War II in Europe and the fall of a tyrannical Nazi regime that made mincemeat of the rule of law.

Though the comparison may seem hyperbolic to some, I remember well my first visit to the Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington.  As a lawyer, I was stunned by Hitler's atrocious perversion of the legal system, the issuance within a half-year after the Nazis' 1933 ascendancy to power of what would become roughly 400 decrees and regulations that "restricted all aspects of the public and private lives" of Jewish citizens

Conversely, doors that have been legally shut to persons solely by virtue of their status are now to be opened a tad, as Julia Preston of The New York Times notes in today's edition.  She reports on the Obama Administration's temporary clemency program, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), which may lead to the grant of employment authorization for youthful entrants to America found worthy of discretionary de-escalation of enforcement by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS): 

The work permit young immigrants can receive with the deferral opens many doors that have been firmly shut. They can obtain valid Social Security numbers and apply for driver’s licenses, professional certificates and financial aid for college.

Thus, just like those for whom the Allied invasion of Normandy launched a new life, one transformed from the status of a nonperson to that of a free member of society, DACA stands as a tiny step in the direction of reversing the application of perverse laws.  In this case the perversion of laws are found in America's Immigration and Nationality Act, a statute chockablock with befuddling provisions that punish innocent children for the mistakes of their parents

USCIS has today issued DACA instructions and forms:  Form I-821D, Consideration of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, with nine pages of instructions, a Form I-765WS, a worksheet to establish one's economic need for employment, and a Form G-1145, E-Notification of Application/Petition Acceptance, and has published a DACA web page with FAQ along with a warning about "Avoiding Scams and Preventing Fraud."  The agency also dove deep into the minutiae of the process in today's telephonic Public Engagement which answered many but by far not all questions.  The engagement followed an earlier internal tussle within DHS over the contours and devilish details of the program reflected in a 92-page draft as reported recently by FoxNews.com ("DHS document shows Obama administration wrestling with 'DREAM Act' policy").

When it takes the government almost 100 pages to tussle internally over the fine points of a discretionary policy, the question arises whether a DACA applicant should be represented by legal counsel.  Recently, in a YouTube video, two federal lawmakers, Senator Dick Durbin and Representative Luis Gutierrez, usually immigration-reform stalwarts, said a lawyer's help was unnecessary.  Curiously, the link now reflects that "[this] video has been removed by the user." 

Perhaps the takedown occurred because of a flood of postings that challenged the legislators' suggestion: See, Do DREAMers really need a lawyer? and Dreamers Do Need Lawyers and Obama's immigration changes cause confusion and Do You Need an Attorney to Apply for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA)? 

My guest columnist, Karin Wolman, agrees that a lawyer's counsel and representation is necessary in DACA cases (as do I).  I recall the mess created by the legacy immigration bureaucracy, Immigration and Naturalization Service, when it tried to interpret and implement a comparable change in policy, the 1986 legalization program, a misguided agency effort that spawned decades of litigation.  So, DREAMers, don't take a chance.  Even if you think your case is straightforward, get good referrals, and talk to a competent lawyer who regularly practices immigration law.  Your life as a nonperson will end and your civil rights will be recognized only if you do DACA right.]

Durbin & Gutierrez Put DREAMers at Risk

By Karin Wolman

Senator Dick Durbin and Representative Luis Gutierrez released a video message to the DREAMers on August 6 that is one of the most irresponsible and dangerous public messages from a voice of authority in living memory. It is a deep disgrace that supposed champions and co-sponsors of the DREAM Act would advise young people who are eligible for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, "Do Not Hire a Lawyer." Yet Sen. Durbin said those words, doing a huge disservice to the very vulnerable class of people they are ostensibly trying to help.

These elected representatives perpetuate a dangerous source of confusion between unscrupulous "notarios" who engage in the unauthorized practice of law, and licensed, trained attorneys who are subject to ethical rules and have the ability to advise DREAMers properly on the process and potential consequences of applying for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals.

An experienced immigration lawyer who has carefully reviewed the applicant's background and documents can ensure that DREAMers file applications which will have the best possible chance of success. This is why Senator Durbin's patently false claim that "Virtually everyone will be able to go through this process without a lawyer," is so disturbing. Perhaps he has already forgotten that the Deferred Action application process includes no right of appeal, and permits no motions to reopen. This is a one-shot opportunity. Applicants must get it right on the first try, or else they face a discretionary denial that is final and cannot be reviewed.

Perhaps Sen. Durbin and Rep. Gutierrez have also forgotten that both USCIS and ICE have extremely poor track records with respect to granting any forms of discretionary relief to applicants who are unrepresented by counsel. The memos of June 2011 from ICE Director John Morton authorized broad use of prosecutorial discretion for those already in proceedings who have no criminal convictions, but the rate at which such relief has been granted in immigration courts is less than 2%. Self-represented applicants who misunderstand any of the Deferred Action criteria and thus fail to interpret their own eligibility correctly, or who get the standard right but provide documentation that USCIS regards as insufficient, or who believe that the information they provide will remain confidential, may be placing themselves and their families at risk of deportation. These are some of the key reasons why it is so very important for DREAMers seeking Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals to consult with a knowledgeable
immigration attorney or legal service organization, and why the message from Messrs. Durbin & Gutierrez will do real harm.

 

[Blogger's post- postscript]
My last blog post, Immigration D-Day for DACA: Get Protection!, generated a thoughtful, heartfelt critique by a good friend, and fellow immigration tribesman, Gary Endelman.  Gary took me to task for my "use of the Holocaust as a standard of comparison" to the plight of the DREAMers. On reflection, I was wrong, and apologized to Gary, and now do likewise to anyone else offended by my inapt metaphor. Gary, who is not only an immigration scholar of well-deserved repute, but also a Doctor of History, gave me permission to follow up on my blog to communicate a larger point, which he eloquently laid out, and with which I fully agree: 
I would simply urge that we all respect the historical integrity of each experience and not use any incident or event as a catch phrase to describe something that, while horrible, may be fundamentally different.  The historian in me.
I think you might want to follow up this blog with another one that perhaps can capture the larger point, which is that whenever any nation denies those who live there the human right to become all that they are capable of being, whenever we violate  the essential human decency of our friends and neighbors, whenever we ignore what unites us to focus on what divides us, that is the seed corn for intolerance and hate.
I also apologize to any Native Americans and others who may have been offended by my fondly recalled participation in the Indian Princesses, a Girls-Dads group sponsored by the YMCA's Indian Guides. No offense is intended; only admiration for the Indian nations' wholesome, natural and eco-friendly way of living on the earth. 

[Blogger's postscript]


My post above, Immigration D-Day for DACA: Get Protection!, generated a thoughtful, heartfelt critique by a good friend, and fellow immigration tribesman, Gary Endelman.  Gary took me to task for my "use of the Holocaust as a standard of comparison" to the plight of the DREAMers. On reflection, I was wrong, and apologized to Gary, and now do likewise to anyone else offended by my inapt metaphor. Gary, who is not only an immigration scholar of well-deserved repute, but also a Doctor of History, gave me permission to follow up on my blog to communicate a larger point, which he eloquently laid out, and with which I fully agree: 


I would simply urge that we all respect the historical integrity of each experience and not use any incident or event as a catch phrase to describe something that, while horrible, may be fundamentally different.  The historian in me.


I think you might want to follow up this blog with another one that perhaps can capture the larger point, which is that whenever any nation denies those who live there the human right to become all that they are capable of being, whenever we violate  the essential human decency of our friends and neighbors, whenever we ignore what unites us to focus on what divides us, that is the seed corn for intolerance and hate.


I also apologize to any Native Americans and others who may have been offended by my fondly recalled participation in the Indian Princesses, a Girls-Dads group sponsored by the YMCA's Indian Guides. No offense is intended; only admiration for the Indian nations' wholesome, natural and eco-friendly way of living on the earth. 

 

 

Hot from Miami: Four Fresh and Seasoned Immigration Reform Proposals

notebook with seashells.jpg[Bloggers note:  Today's guest column is co-authored by two shining stars in the immigration firmament, Roxana Bacon and Esther Olavarria, who offer four innovative proposals for immigration reform conceived by their law students at the University of Miami Law School. The post is longer than usual but well worth your time.  

The melding of  insights from the immigration professors and the students brings to my mind the formula for  success highlighted in Brain Pickings, a marvelous site run by one of the web's best curator's, Maria Popova.  Quoting An Anatomy of Inspiration by Rosamund E. M. Harding, Popova -- a woman who gets immigration -- offers one fine formulation

Success depends on adequate knowledge: that is, it depends on sufficient knowledge of the special subject, and a variety of extraneous knowledge to produce new and original combinations of ideas.

Here, then, is a successful blending of insider knowledge and fresh perspectives "to produce new and original combinations of ideas" on immigration reform.]


Four Fresh and Seasoned Immigration Reform Proposals


By Roxana Bacon and Esther Olavarria

 

This spring, we co-taught an immigration class with a twist at the University of Miami Law School. Under the leadership of Dean Patricia White, UM has reinforced its commitment to human rights and migration law, with a deep bench of scholars--Becky Sharpless runs the clinic, David Abraham and Irwin Stotzky are tenured faculty, Ira Kurzban is an Adjunct, Professor Alejandro Portes, Visiting from Princeton, added his expertise in issues of assimilations and estrangement within the immigrant experience.

Dr. Joseph Chamie, the lead demographer for the United Nations for many years, introduced the course with a lively overview of the cool and irrefutable demographics that compel global immigration.   Professor Rafael Fernandez de Castro, chief of the International Studies Department of Mexico’s ITAM and advisor to President Calderon on immigration matters, joined a panel with Professor Abraham comparing German, Mexican and U.S. immigration laws and policy.

Dennis Burke, a former U.S. Attorney from Arizona, explained the real-time ins and outs of state and federal enforcement approaches, and we discussed the morality (or not) of immigration with the help of philosophy professor and ethicist, Dr. James Nickel.  As the cherry on top, the noted documentary filmmakers, Shari Robertson and Michael Camerini, (whose film “Well Founded Fear” has become the  bible for most immigration courses) showed 2 of their 12-part film  series, “How Democracy Works Now”.  By exploring the efforts to pass immigration reform between 2001 and 2008, the films take the viewer inside the legislative sausage factory, with its stew of conflicting ideologies, outsized egos, re-election fears, and occasional moments of idealism and caring.  The students learned more about partisan gridlock from them than a year in a graduate program could teach.  We used no textbooks, grounded the course in as much hard data as possible, and supplemented materials from daily headlines.  In short, the students were served a vibrant buffet of experts and information that we begged, borrowed or stole from our contacts and archives.

Our goal was to encourage a small group of 3Ls and LLMs who had already completed basic immigration course/clinic work to think outside the U.S. framework, studying natural and political influences on human migration globally before turning their analysis to U.S. immigration problems.  Their final required them to design a reform element within an identified larger area of U.S. immigration, explaining what they would reform, why, and how.  Each then presented their reform analysis and conclusions in a 90-minute class session, and then edited it based on class feedback as their final written paper.

We gave them ample latitude, assigning each team of 4 students one of 4 topics:

1. Southern Border Enforcement;

2. Labor-based Immigration;

3. Interior Enforcement;

4. Forced Migration.

We were worried that the class was too amorphous, that the 30,000’ level overview would be too lofty for presentations that had to work at the 3 foot level, that the panoply of experts and views and materials too diffuse for the students to manage in a 3 unit course.  Not to worry.  The students were spectacular.  Each Team presented a solid idea for reform that was innovative as well as doable.  Each team demonstrated a mature understanding of the gridlock plaguing Congress and the Administration on all matters dealing with immigration except enforcement, and each advanced novel strategies to pass their proposals.  Most important, each team walked away wiser, but not more cynical, about the possibility of reform, eager to take on the decades-long stalemate to achieve a fair and transparent system that works for the long term national good.  Their ideas are worth our attention.

Team 1 was assigned the general topic of Southern Border Enforcement.  Having heard the concerns of Dr. Fernandez de Castro that Mexico’s immigration law and policy are not in better shape than ours, albeit for different reasons, and recognizing the intense CBP and ICE emphasis on expedited return for those apprehended at the Border, the team made a strategic decision to focus on an issue that occurs solely within U.S. jurisdiction, but away from the immediacy of the Border.  The problem they chose is rape of undocumented migrants in U.S. drop houses. The magnitude of the problem is shocking; more than half of all women, including very young children, seeking to enter the U.S. without documents are raped. It is considered part of the price of migration, so prevalent that coyotes often require a contraception injection to avoid rape-based pregnancies.  The problem is growing; the NY Times article on May 28, 2012 documents the horror and the spread of these “houses of hell” as they move from the border to interior cities and subdivisions.

Team 1’s reform proposal is to establish a new protocol for rape victims or suspected rape victims when encountered in drop houses.  The team would require that drop house enforcement teams include a First Response Team, staffed by professionals, including therapists, who are experts in rape.  The FRT would follow the same protocol widely adopted by state and local police that treats rape victims as victims first, rather than participants in any wrongdoing, whether criminal or civil.   It is a brilliant reform idea.  No political party can disparage or dispute treating rape victims as violent crime victims without courting the wrath of women and men everywhere; indeed, being indifferent to these rapes is tantamount to being “for” drop house rape, and in turn that is tantamount to being “for” human trafficking, the genesis of the drop house problem in the first place. Further, rethinking and improving treatment of drop house rape victims conforms to the spirit of VAWA and T and U visas.  It also leverages existing state and local law enforcement experience and priorities so that little if any controversy or additional cost would be incurred.  Last, it complements existing social service resources and current thinking about the most effective treatment of domestic violence victims, i.e. rape of those in a dependent relationship.

The FRT would be required to handle all suspected rape victims in any drop house or other holding center for undocumented persons.  Currently there is no uniform protocol for treating such victims, and the outcome of any particular case is idiosyncratic, devoid of predictability or transparency.  Victims identified by medical and social service experts would be granted interim protection while their medical and emotional conditions stabilize.  That treatment would not be dependent upon their ability to identify their trafficker/smuggler, but rather on their physical and emotional conditions. They would not be incarcerated; if supervision were required, ATDs would be used.  Finally, the length and type of treatment would be set not by ICE but by the therapist who would be chosen from a rotating list.  Service on an FRT would be pro bono but would satisfy the mental/medical health professional’s continuing education requirements.  The team recommends using Arizona for beta testing, and having The O’Conner House, a centralized anti-trafficking initiative jointly established by the former Justice and Arizona State University, serve as coordinator.

Team 2 was assigned employment-based immigration issues as its general topic.  Again, the students demonstrated a deep understanding of the art of the possible; using Florida as the beta site, they crafted a new visa category, H-2C, geared to identifying undocumented persons in Florida who qualify to fill vacancies in the state’s hospitality industry.  The proposed H-2C category is unique in that it (a) targets the largest portion of Florida’s undocumented population to solve a chronic shortage of workers in the industry most vital to the state’s economy; (2) provides immediate benefit to Florida’s economy by bringing that group of undocumenteds into the state and federal tax system; and (3) allows Florida, a politically powerful state with a history of sympathy to some immigration issues, to assume a major positive role in advancing innovations in federal immigration law and policy.

Protection of U.S. workers is ensured not by the tedious labor certification process that has never been proven to be effective but by a payroll tax incentive for employers who hire a citizen or permanent resident rather than the H-2C migrant.  The incentive would also include a $1,000 annual tax credit for any U.S. worker who is retained for at least a year of uninterrupted employment.  These hard dollar incentives should be much more effective than the paper chase of labor certification, and the tax revenue “lost” would be recovered by the H-2C workers who join the tax system as regular tax-payers.  An eventual path to full resident status would be available to the H-2C workers through an expansion of the quotas for essential workers, a reform that could be expanded to include hospitality workers nationally if the Florida pilot program is successful.

The Team also outlined a strategy for passing the pilot program that is built on demonstrating the economic benefits of the H-2C category.  Each stake-holder—the industry’s employers, the unions, the associations that promote Florida’s tourism, the politicians in key “destination” cities, the immigrant communities’ advocates—would enjoy an immediate return on their H-2C investment.  More profit from more tourists is the obvious outcome of a reliable, legitimate work force in the hospitality industry, and more public tax income is the obvious by-product from booming tourism.

Team 3 chose a topic, interior enforcement, that is perhaps the most polarizing of the assignments.  It brings into clear focus the tensions created by a civil immigration law whose enforcement is modeled almost exclusively on criminal law—we arrest, we interrogate, we jail and we sentence, but we do so without any of the Constitutional protections applicable to the criminal counterparts.  We do “enforcement heavy” but “rights light”.   Team 3 did not seek to reverse any existing interior enforcement infrastructure or priorities, but rather to implement them as written.  Their program, SMART (“Securing Migrants & Americans Rights & Trust Act”) simply imposes the intent of Secure Communities, and of 287(g), by limiting local law enforcement participation in immigration to only those immigrants, whether documented or not, who have been convicted of the crimes that are the most dangerous to public safety.  The list is short, and does not turn on complex INA definitions (“agg felonies”, for instance), but rather on crimes that anyone would agree are egregious, and are the same priorities set by local law enforcement agencies for their populations generally.  But the biggest difference is that no local law enforcement would be involved in the immigration process until after a conviction.  The list of crimes that would invoke local law enforcement participation with ICE is:

a. National security crimes, including terrorism;

b. Homicide/Murder;

c. Aggravated sexual offenses;

d. Armed robbery/burglary;

e. Domestic violence that involves physical assault or battery or severe mental or emotional assault or battery, and both must result in injury.

Under 287 (g), or any state law authorizing non-federal participation in immigration enforcement, the state agencies’ role is restricted to enforcing only these serious crimes, and only post conviction.  The Team relied heavily on the fact that ICE’s fingerprint identification system (IDENT) is expanding at an annual rate of 20 million new prints, a growth that ICE has financed by increasing that part of its budget from $23.5M in 2003 to $690M in 2011.  Leveraging ICE’s own information is a smart use of SMART, and allows the local law enforcement agencies’ to concentrate on their own communities’ priorities while simultaneously supporting immigration enforcement.

Its creators repeatedly have informed Congress and the public that Secure Communities is intended to identify, apprehend and remove “the worst of the worst” immigrants.  SMART simply gives that goal more teeth, removes ambiguities that have proven difficult to surmount under the current SC memos, and allows local and federal law enforcement agencies to focus on their own lanes, with a defined area of immigration enforcement overlap.  Logically and structurally all the stakeholders should embrace it.  If not, it turns a spotlight on whatever reasons other than law enforcement or public fiscal efficiency are behind the continued use of local enforcement agencies to detain non-priority migrants.

Finally, under SMART, the default ICE position on detention would be electronic monitors or other ATDs.  Actual incarcerations would require ICE to “show cause” why physical detention is necessary for public safety or to avoid the migrant’s flight.  This hearing would be like a reverse bond hearing where the government would bear the burden of proving beyond a reasonable doubt that no ATD will suffice to protect the public.  It would not replace the actual bond hearing (although some issues and facts would resurface) in that even once incarceration is shown to be necessary, the migrant could advance mitigating factors to argue for release on bond or other ATD.

Team 4 was charged with advocating a reform in the area of forced migration that took into account the global scope of the course’s materials.  They stepped up to the challenge with a novel take on demographics, global climate change, the scarcity of potable water and the hunger in the U.S. for capital.

Recommending the creation of an EB-6(a) category for water scarcity entrepreneurs, and an EB-6(b) category for watery scarcity researchers, the Team adopted a practical approach to an inevitability: much of the globe’s midsection will be subject to increasing drought, causing the movement of hundreds of millions of people to countries unable, and in some cases unwilling, to absorb them.   

In the most obvious scenarios, political stability in nations that have nuclear capacity (Pakistan, China, India) is threatened by water scarcity.

The problem is not just migration across national borders; 1,100 counties in the U.S. are already identified as suffering from or at risk for water scarcity, many in the Midwestern states that have traditionally been the U.S.’ prime agricultural region.  Developing answers to drought-related food and water scarcities is a critical goal of the U.S. now ($9.2 billion spent on water sector and sanitation initiatives outside the U.S., and another $41.8 million to U.N. programs addressing the same issues), with the problem only growing to tsunami size in the future.

Team 4 found that the U.S. is woefully unprepared to wage war for water.  The expertise needed to develop new water sources, better distribution systems, drought-resistant crops, more efficient storage, consumer conservation techniques, etc. depend on two fundamentals: capital and expertise.  Capital is obvious; it costs big money to redirect cities, consumers, industry and agriculture away from water-intensive habits.  Expertise is also obvious; the U.S. produces far fewer engineers and scientists than we need to address the water issues.  As 80% of the professional workforce associated with public wastewater and water retire over the next 10 years, we do not have enough replacements just to stay even.  Since the number of environmental jobs is expected to increase by over 50% in the next 10 years, the talent deficit grows ever bigger.   China and India both produce over 9 times more engineers each year than the U.S. (over a million to our 10,000), and that disparity increases each year even as competition for that talent becomes fiercer.

The EB-6(a) category would grant permanent residence to a discrete category of entrepreneurs in the field of water scarcity (desalination, purification, distribution, etc.) and/or food-related research (drought-resistant crops, waste-water crops, consumer conservation, etc.).  The entrepreneurs would themselves have to have graduate degrees in a STEM field directly related to their business proposal, and, in a flip on the current EB-5 program, could only be employed in their own start-up.  Direct involvement in their investment is required.

The investment would be much more modest; $100K initially, but with 5 employees, not related to the investor, in new jobs within 2 years.  Further, the business must have raised $500K in investment or generated $500K in gross revenue within 2 years.   To avoid the EB-5 problems, the science part of the investment proposal would be reviewed by scientists in the field, selected by the NSF, and if approved, would be sent to the Treasury Department to review the applicant and the proposal’s financial fitness.  DHS’ role would be limited to a review of the Act’s excludability factors.

The EB6(b) category is reserved for persons currently in the U.S., or who come in the future, to undertake and complete a graduate level degree in a STEM discipline at an accredited U.S. school who:

a. commit to work in the field of water/food scarcity (defined generously) for 3 years;

b. receive a letter from their employer(s) verifying a 3 year commitment (not enforceable as a private contract, but a statement of intent that can be investigated without cause);

c. if they do not have a letter, demonstration that they have assets sufficient to maintain themselves in the U.S. for up to one year while they look for qualifying employment;

d. become eligible to apply for permanent residence if employment in the field continues for 5 years.

Team 4 included extensive research documenting the statistics on U.S. engineering numbers, the growing need for more engineers and related skills in the field of water resources that only deepen our engineering talent deficit, and the need for rapid and prolific innovation in this area of the type best done in small start-ups.

Conclusion

We were delighted with the results of the Teams’ work, and hope some of you will be, also.  Each Team demonstrated an understanding of the intense anti-immigrant sentiment that is currently stopping reform, and they were wise in their selection of pieces of U.S. policy and law that could yield big dividends.  Most important, they recognized the almost impenetrable maze of political barriers to change, and in each case sought to build on existing law and policy, moving it ahead without burning bridges, but by building new, and natural, ones with partners whose  histories suggest they should be willing to sign on.  All 16 students (all 3Ls or LLMs) were smart, diligent and engaged, all remain interested in immigration law as a career, and not all have employment.  Upon request, we are happy to pass their names on to anyone who might be interested in following up with them, or with us, for each Team’s full submission.

[Roxana and Esther can be reached at: roxie.bacon@gmail.com]

Immigration Law -- Moving away from Individual Rights

woman behind fence

[Blogger's Note:  This week's guest column is by Jennifer Oltarsh, an immigration lawyer practicing in Manhattan. She writes about how the tendency of Congress and the Obama Administration to require the incarceration of low-level immigration law violators without providing individualized determinations of whether a detainee will be released from custody has led to massive increases in the population of incarcerated immigrants.]

Immigration Law -- Moving away from Individual Rights

By Jennifer Oltarsh

Immigration laws are increasingly more complex.  When the laws deprive individuals of discretionary decisions, the result comes with a heavy price for individuals, their families and our country.

Each time the government passes immigration laws designed to impede whole classes of peoples, it reflects  very poorly on this country.  These broad-based laws designed to deprive individualized decisions have long been a part of the immigration system.  Many of these laws have ultimately proved to be an embarrassment.  A now infamous example occurred following decades of racism and discrimination against Chinese, when in 1882 the Chinese Exclusion Act passed.  Under this law all Chinese were banned from immigrating to the United States and to naturalize.  Initially a ten-year policy, it was later extended indefinitely and made permanent in 1902.  This race-based policy remained in effect until 1943 when it was repealed when China became an ally to the United States in World War II.  130 years after passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act, Congress finally expressed regret for enacting discriminatory laws against the Chinese.

In 1996 two laws were passed with the goal to deprive judicial review and discretion.  The Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 and the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRAIRA) envisioned that the deportation process from beginning to end would be within the executive branch and the hope was to curtail judicial review.   Among IIRIRA’s many provisions, it mandated detention for a large number of non-citizens convicted of certain enumerated offenses, removed waivers of inadmissibility for many criminal offenses and sought to limit judicial review of final orders of deportation.  As a result, the laws snare not only offenders with significant crimes, but many with minor offenses as well.   As a consequence of these acts, the judiciary’s ability to curtail abuses has been stymied, courts have been foreclosed from reviewing many significant legal questions, including whether a foreigner can be released during proceedings.   

This movement to deprive judicial decision-making is in line with the central role that mass detention has in Department of Homeland Security’s immigration policy.   The explosion in detention is fueled by the Administration’s view on the centrality of detention and has been enabled by IIRIRA.  The law is based on the false premise that we need mass detention and deportation to keep dangerous "criminal aliens" off our streets.  In reality immigrants are less likely to commit crimes than native-born Americans.    Despite the Administration’s claim that they are interested primarily in serious criminal offenders, in reality, a substantial proportion of those in detention and subject to deportation are there as a result of old and/or insignificant offenses.   In the 15 years since IIRIRA's passage — detention has risen from 6,280 beds in 1996 to the current daily capacity of 33,400 beds; in FY 2010 alone 363,000 people were detained.  Taxpayers pay for these detentions.  The detention include thousands of immigrants and permanent residents who pose no threat to the community.  It is exceedingly costly and by exposing detainees to brutal and inhumane conditions of largely private detention centers, it portrays the worst of America.

We now face a situation where immigration detention has fueled a booming industry, while tearing apart families with no clear gains to public safety.   Indeed, following years of wasted taxpayer dollars and destroyed lives, mandatory detention and deportation must end!

The failure to take individual circumstances into account has always resulted in untold human costs.  We must finally and formally acknowledge that these are ugly laws and recognize that they are incompatible with America’s founding principles and that they should have no place in our society. 

Immigration Lawyers Arguing: "Can I Work from Home for a Foreign Employer?"

arguing lawyers.jpg[Blogger's note:  Whether by dint of nature or nurture, lawyers love to argue; immigration lawyers perhaps more so. Unlike our colleagues (outside of immigration practice) for whom sources of law are better defined, immigration attorneys can access a wider array of law and non-law sources with which to fashion our pro and con arguments.  

As a change of pace from this blog's usual fare of criticizing immigration agencies and Congress, today we'll offer a PG-rated point/counterpoint with guest blogger, Karin Wolman, and me (Disclosure: Neither of us is depicted in the photo).  

We debate the oft-posed question whether a foreign citizen while living in the United States and holding one of any number of categories of U.S. nonimmigrant status who are not expressly authorized to work can nonetheless be employed by and serve a foreign employer.  This might, for example, include:

  • a spouse on a dependent visa whose other half is lawfully employed on a work visa;
  • a B-2 or WT (visa waiver) visitor for pleasure vacationing in the U.S. who must attend to emails sent by a customer of the visitor's foreign employer;
  • a B-1 or WB (visa waiver) visitor for business who must assign or supervise work to be performed abroad;
  • an F-1 student who is sent by her employer abroad to study for an MBA; or
  • an H-1B work visa holder who (although authorized to work for a specific U.S. employer) is not expressly permitted to moonlight for an employer abroad.

The controversy arises because Congress has never bothered to define "employment" under the immigration laws, and the definitions of the term in immigration regulations, case law and non-binding policy guidance are incomplete or imprecise.  

So you be the judge.]

Can I Work from Home for a Foreign Employer? 

[Karin Wolman's answer] 

 May a foreign national without work-authorized visa status to work remotely from a home located in the United States for an employer located abroad?  This question lies squarely at the intersection of immigration & tax law, and the short answer is no, except for nonimmigrants in the F-1 (Academic Students), J-1 (Exchange Visitors) & Q (Cultural Exchange Participants) visa categories. 

For the individual, the foremost reason why not is spelled out in Chapter 3 of IRS Publication 519, US Tax Guide for Aliens.  Any income from services performed for a foreign employer by someone present in the United States is deemed “US source income” unless that income meets ALL THREE of the following conditions: 
1) total annual earnings from such services is less than $3,000; 
2) the nonresident alien is physically present in the United States for not more than 90 days in the year; 
3) the services are performed under contract with a nonresident alien individual, foreign partnership or foreign corporation.
This tax rule interacts with the visa rules in the following way: Many nonimmigrants, such as B-1/B-2 visitors, and certain dependent spouses of temporary workers, such as those in H-4 or O-3 status, are ineligible to apply for work authorization in the United States. For the H-4 or O-3 visa holder, here accompanying a spouse who is lawfully employed in the US, such a person is likely to be physically present in the United States for all or most of the year, rather  than under
3 months. Their visa status does not permit them to earn any “US source income.”  If they do earn any significant income from a foreign source while spending most of the year here, it will be considered “US source income” because they are located here, and it will be taxable here.  From the immigration perspective, earning any US source income would be considered freelance “self-employment” (since there is no U.S. employer) and it would be considered a visa status violation. That income, revealed later on the couple’s US income tax return, could render the non-work-authorized spouse ineligible to adjust status to lawful permanent residence under INA 245(c).
There is one important carve-out for foreign students and exchange visitors present in the United States under F, J or Q nonimmigrant visa status. These nonimmigrants, including their spouses and children in a dependent visa classification, are permitted to exclude from their U.S. gross income any pay received from a foreign employer. This group includes a wide assortment of students, scholars, trainees, interns, teachers, professors, researchers and research assistants, or leaders in a field of specialized knowledge or skill. F, J & Q nonimmigrants and their dependents may work from home for a foreign employer, and are not considered to have earned any US source income by doing so. 
The ramifications for the foreign employer are much more significant, and involve overlapping global mobility issues of tax, immigration, corporate, and employment laws. The foreign company must determine how to obtain the appropriate visa status for its worker so it can have an employee legally residing and working in the United States. This in turn will require the foreign company to have some type of corporate entity or branch office doing business in the United States. In addition to establishing a legal presence in the United States, the foreign company must identify what other taxes its U.S. entity may be subject to, in addition to payroll tax, how that will affect treatment of corporate income of the foreign entity, and whether they can avoid double-taxation by means of a tax treaty. The foreign employer must consider local employment and contract laws in the jurisdiction where the employee is located in the United States, as the employee’s physical location determines which laws apply.
 *CAVEAT* I am an immigration attorney, not a tax attorney or accountant. Please seek advice on the tax implications of your specific situation from a qualified tax professional. 

For the individual, the foremost reason why not is spelled out in Chapter 3 of IRS Publication 519, US Tax Guide for Aliens.  Any income from services performed for a foreign employer by someone present in the United States is deemed “US source income” unless that income meets ALL THREE of the following conditions:

  1. total annual earnings from such services is less than $3,000; 
  2.  the nonresident alien is physically present in the United States for not more than 90 days in the year; 
  3. the services are performed under contract with a nonresident alien individual, foreign partnership or foreign corporation.

This tax rule interacts with the visa rules in the following way: Many nonimmigrants, such as B-1/B-2 visitors, and certain dependent spouses of temporary workers, such as those in H-4 or O-3 status, are ineligible to apply for work authorization in the United States. For the H-4 or O-3 visa holder, here accompanying a spouse who is lawfully employed in the US, such a person is likely to be physically present in the United States for all or most of the year, rather  than under 3 months. Their visa status does not permit them to earn any “US source income.”  If they do earn any significant income from a foreign source while spending most of the year here, it will be considered “US source income” because they are located here, and it will be taxable here.  From the immigration perspective, earning any US source income would be considered freelance “self-employment” (since there is no U.S. employer) and it would be considered a visa status violation. That income, revealed later on the couple’s US income tax return, could render the non-work-authorized spouse ineligible to adjust status to lawful permanent residence under Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) § 245(c).

There is one important carve-out for foreign students and exchange visitors present in the United States under F, J or Q nonimmigrant visa status. These nonimmigrants, including their spouses and children in a dependent visa classification, are permitted to exclude from their U.S. gross income any pay received from a foreign employer. This group includes a wide assortment of students, scholars, trainees, interns, teachers, professors, researchers and research assistants, or leaders in a field of specialized knowledge or skill. F, J & Q nonimmigrants and their dependents may work from home for a foreign employer, and are not considered to have earned any US source income by doing so.

The ramifications for the foreign employer are much more significant, and involve overlapping global mobility issues of tax, immigration, corporate, and employment laws. The foreign company must determine how to obtain the appropriate visa status for its worker so it can have an employee legally residing and working in the United States. This in turn will require the foreign company to have some type of corporate entity or branch office doing business in the United States. In addition to establishing a legal presence in the United States, the foreign company must identify what other taxes its U.S. entity may be subject to, in addition to payroll tax, how that will affect treatment of corporate income of the foreign entity, and whether they can avoid double-taxation by means of a tax treaty. The foreign employer must consider local employment and contract laws in the jurisdiction where the employee is located in the United States, as the employee’s physical location determines which laws apply.

 *CAVEAT* I am an immigration attorney, not a tax attorney or accountant. Please seek advice on the tax implications of your specific situation from a qualified tax professional. 

Can I Work from Home for a Foreign Employer?

[Angelo Paparelli's reply]

Can a nonimmigrant who lacks authorization by U.S. immigration authorities be employed in the U.S. to work from his or her home in the U.S. for a foreign employer abroad?  My lawyerly answer is: It depends.  The question is not one of tax law.  The tax laws and immigration statutes have each been enacted for distinct purposes, and one legal regimen does not necessarily inform the other. Rather than taxation, the laws of employment and of immigration apply, as well as a subject of law study known as "conflicts of law." 

Phrase the question thusly and the answer may well be different from the one Karin offers:  

Does U.S. immigration law prohibit a foreign citizen from fulfilling an employment agreement with a company incorporated and doing business abroad?

Before answering, assume the agreement specifies that the required activities will involve creating and saving work product, through the use of a web browser in "the cloud," with the cloud's servers located on foreign soil.

Assume further that the agreement allows the foreign citizen to work from anywhere in the world, is made before the individual enters the U.S., and provides that salary payment shall be in a foreign (non-U.S.) currency with direct deposit into a foreign bank account and provides that the law of the foreign state and the courts of that state where the employer has its headquarters shall govern any disputes that may arise between employer and employee.

On these assumed facts, does the foreign employer or employee violate American immigration law if the employee fulfills his or her part of the bargain from a residence in the United States? My answer is:  Probably not, because the mere fortuity that the work is performed from within the U.S. rather than in any other country is too slim a fact to give the U.S. under conflicts of law principles a legitimate interest in applying American law. After all, no American workers were harmed by the work performed under this contract.  

As I read the INA, Congress has never expressly said that U.S. immigration law should be given extraterritorial effect.  See EEOC v. Arabian American Oil Co., 499 U.S. 244, 111 S.Ct. 1227, 1230 (1991), in which the Supreme Court changed the longstanding presumption against the extraterritorial application of American law (unless a contrary intent appears) into a presumption against extraterritoriality (unless there is the affirmative intention of the Congress clearly expressed). To be sure, the U.S. immigration police would probably try to assert that a nonimmigrant who works from his U.S. home for a foreign employer on the facts I've posited has violated the immigration laws. But that doesn't mean the immigration cops would be right.  I believe, nonetheless, that the federal judiciary would follow EEOC v. Arabian American Oil Co. and say that U.S. immigration law cannot be applied extraterritorially to prohibit that which is lawful on foreign soil.

[Karin Wolman's retort] 

I fall unequivocally on the "unauthorized employment" side: The salary paid for the employment is active, earned income characterized by a combination of three factors -- provision of services for hire by the foreign national + physical presence in the US that is not brief nor intermittent + U.S. source income in exchange for provision of those services.

[Angelo Paparelli's rejoinder]

The real question then is not whether a foreign employer may employ a foreign citizen working in her American home without a work visa but WWTCD (What would the courts do)? 

Guest Post: What Fried Okra, F.A.O. Schwartz, Staplers, and Immigration Have in Common


nici.jpg[Blogger's Note: Nici Kersey, my colleague at Seyfarth Shaw who directs its Immigratio​n Compliance Center, offers another distinctive and entertaining guest post.  (Her earlier posts can be found here and here.)

Today, Nici (on the right in the photo [the infant on the left is from a Hollywood casting agency]) shares the stories behind her resume, blaming the government for the fact that she now harms the same people she set out to help.  I can relate to Nici's angst, as I noted in "The Distressed Bearer of Bad Immigration Tidings."

There are of course so many immigration stories, as I noted in my post, "Telling Immigration Stories," which talked about the power of narrative as a way of humanizing immigrants.  That post also discussed the award-winning book -- Green Card Stories -- which masterfully depicts the personal journies of 50 immigrants to America. The back story on Green Card Stories is that it was produced with help from members of the Alliance of Business Immigration Lawyers, who urged their clients to allow their stories to be revealed as a way of inspiring others on the journey to achieving the American Dream.  

Perhaps, the Editors of Green Card Stories, Laura Danielson and Steve Yale-Loehr, might be persuaded to launch a companion volume describing how 50 immigration lawyers chose (or more likely, stumbled upon) immigration law as a career.  Nici's quirky story is certainly worthy of inclusion.] 

A note from Nici:

Angelo has graciously invited me to post here a couple of times, and I know that my topic and style differ vastly from his.  My topics are less timely (this one is about things that happened as many as 15 years ago), and my posts tend to be more about me than about immigration.  (I admit to being relatively self-centered.)  I’m also probably one of the least political people you’ll ever meet.  (Except for my Fry Okra, Not People t-shirt and my Let a Lady Lead button, you’d be hard-pressed to find any evidence of my political leanings.)  Still, I hope you enjoy this as a bit of thoughtful fluff to soften the space between Angelo’s always sharp and generally hard-hitting posts. 

What Fried Okra, F.A.O. Schwartz, Staplers, and Immigration Have in Common

By Nicole ("Nici") Kersey

The other day, I received a phone call from a client.  He started:  I know how you feel about undocumented workers, but ….  (Well, he didn’t use the word “undocumented.”  He said “illegal.”)  And I thought:  Really?  I don’t think you do.  I told him as much, saying that, despite the advice I have to give my clients, I have nothing against undocumented workers.  In fact, they are the reason I do what I do.

My job requires me to get people fired from their jobs.  Often, the people getting fired are long-term, trustworthy employees who work hard and do their jobs well.  But they may be using someone else’s SSN or a fake green card, and once that comes to light, my duty is often to recommend that their employment be terminated. 

These workers are the same people I set out to help when I first thought of attending law school.  Yes, when I hear the terms “sell out,” “traitor,” “turncoat,” or “double agent,” I can’t help but think of the ways in which they may apply to me.   (I like double agent the best, because it’s the most dramatic, and I envision myself wearing a pretty bad-ass costume.  Though turncoat might lead to more Academy Awards, as those tend to go to the period pieces.)

But, in part because this is for Angelo’s blog, and in part because it’s true, I blame the government for my defector/deserter status.

Either way, I would be working with kids:

As a freshman in college, I applied for a summer job at F.A.O. Schwartz in Indianapolis at the Circle Centre Mall.  I was hired and scheduled to report just after classes let out.  I never started that job.  I had thought it would be fun to spend the summer in a toy store, though I’m sure the actual experience would have differed somewhat from what I imagined, which involved Tom Hanks and a giant piano.

Before the summer began, I received a phone call from my high school Spanish teacher.  (This was an actual phone call on what we now refer to as a land line.  Mike Maxwell called my parents’ house, and my parents relayed the message to me.  Then I had to key in a special code to make a long-distance call from my dorm room to call him back.  Cell phones existed, but walking around a college campus was a different experience then.)

Mr. Maxwell asked if I had a summer job yet, and I was excited to tell him of my toy store plans.  He quickly told me that I would not be working at F.A.O. and instead needed to make a phone call to the Indiana Department of Education. 

Crap, I thought, more long-distance charges.

For the next four summers, I worked for the Indiana Department of Education’s Migrant Education Program.  The program employed mostly college students with strong Spanish language skills.  We were paired up and sent off to travel around the state and tutor the children of migrant workers from Texas and Mexico.  The purpose of the program was to help these children, who spent much of the school year following the crops (melons, corn, beans, and tomatoes in Indiana; blueberries in Michigan, strawberries and citrus in Florida, etc.), to keep up in school. 

To be honest, I spent a large part of those four summers in the car.  I teamed up with Jill, and together we covered the southern half of the state.  We frequently spent four or more hours driving each day.  We were paid (more than minimum wage!) from the minute we left home until we returned in the evening, and we were reimbursed for mileage.  It was fantastic.

The families we worked with insisted on feeding us, and the food was the kind of authentic Mexican food that you can only get in someone’s home.  The kids were sweet and eager students, and I was grateful for the job.  Almost every family gave us melons, straight from the fields.  I did not worry then, as I would now, about being charged with possession of stolen fruit.  I proudly presented the melons to my mom, who occasionally kept one but re-gifted the rest.  (Jill and I probably could have supplemented our income with a road-side melon stand, but we were not particularly entrepreneurial at the time.) 

Side note (yes, I know this whole thing is made up of side notes and parentheticals):  Once, a family filled our whole backseat with melons.  I was paired with Andy that day, and he indicated - in Spanish - that he “wanted all the melons,” when he meant that he “liked all kinds of melons.”  We all had a laugh, but despite our attempts to clear up the confusion, we drove away that day in a car that would forever smell faintly of overripe cantaloupe.

It all comes back to immigration:

While my job was to teach math, science, history, geography (I pretty much avoided teaching geography; the kids were better off that way), and English to the children, their parents seemed to assume that we had a deep understanding of immigration law.  They asked, again and again, what papers they needed to file to “get legal.”  They asked where they could get help.  The brochures we had been given by the DOE to address these questions were generally unhelpful, as there was really not much that the workers could do.

Each summer, the state held a conference on migrant workers, and I was always interested to hear what the speakers said about immigration.  According to one speaker, 2/3 of the migrant workers in Indiana were authorized workers.  Looking back, I don’t think that could possibly have been accurate, but I was happy to repeat the statistic to anyone who complained about my helping “those illegals.” 

One thing that the speakers consistently said when asked what could be done to help the workers “become legal” was, basically, nothing.  Using the H-2A agricultural worker program was too slow and too expensive, and so the vast majority of farmers simply used the workers who showed up year after year.  Except in rare circumstances, these kids’ parents were, for lack of a better term (or for my lack of willingness to come up with one) screwed. (Many of the kids themselves had been born in the U.S., so they may now be able to file petitions for their parents.  But at the time, the kids were seven to 13 years old.  If they had been any older, they’d have been in the fields with their parents, not sitting and studying math with me.)

At the end of each conference, there was a drawing for door prizes.  Red Gold always provided gift boxes full of tomato products (picked and canned by the migrant workers), and I always wanted – very much – to win one of these door prizes.  I never did.  (I still don’t know why the idea of a large box of ketchup and tomato sauce was so appealing to me, and it has been suggested that I delete this whole paragraph, but I chose to leave it in as an experiment -- to see whether Red Gold, or anyone else, sends me tomato-related gifts after it is posted.)

I was pretty much doomed to work in immigration:

When college ended, and my summers with the DOE were done, I spent a brief period thinking that I would work in the theater.  That (surprise, surprise) didn’t “stick.”  And soon I got married and moved to Tacoma, Washington, where my husband, then a Lieutenant in the Army, was stationed at Fort Lewis.  It was 2002, and the job market was not great for someone with degrees in Spanish and creative writing.  I started leafing through the phone book, trying to find someone who might be looking to hire a responsible Spanish-speaker.  I stumbled upon a non-profit “immigration assistance center,” and was shocked to be more-or-less hired over the phone.

At the center, we saw walk-ins and took appointments, preparing family-based immigration petitions for those who were eligible. In most cases, however, we charged a small consultation fee, listened to sympathetic stories, and told our customers that we were very sorry, but there was simply nothing to be done.

I also recall being reprimanded for stapling papers the wrong way, which I still don’t understand.  (I was shown the “right way” a number of times, but I never grasped the difference.  I’m sure my employee file has something in it like “incompetent at stapling.”)

How I almost ended up on the other side:

During my time at the center, I applied for a number of other jobs, some involving the theater, and others relating to immigration.  I ultimately landed two:  one as a passport specialist at the Seattle Passport Agency and one with INS as an enforcement officer.  These jobs took a lot longer to get than did the F.A.O. Schwartz position, but they ended the same way – I never started either.

The INS job had taken nearly a year to get.  The FBI had visited friends, family members, neighbors, teachers, and professors to make sure I was not a traitor, turncoat, or double agent.  I had undergone the most extensive physical in my life.  (I was told not to eat prior to the tests, then asked to do a series of strenuous tasks – as many sit-ups and push-ups as I could, running as fast as I could, etc. – then had about a gallon of blood drawn.  It was while I watched the technologist draw vial after vial of blood that everything became pixilated, then went black.)  I was sure that I had failed the physical (as INS officers probably should not faint when chasing down would-be “illegals”), but I ultimately received a congratulatory letter, indicating that I would be assigned a training date in the coming months.

Then I received a letter explaining that INS was becoming part of DHS, and that if I wanted to work for DHS, I would have to start the application process anew.  I was a persistent person, but it seemed that DHS treated those applying for jobs much like those applying for immigration benefits - and I was afraid of having my blood drawn again - so I decided to work for the Department of State instead.

I accepted the Department of State job, but a few weeks before I was to start, my husband informed me that we were being transferred (PCS’d, in Army lingo) to Fort McPherson in Atlanta.  And that’s how I ended up not working for the government.

After we moved, I was lucky to find a position as a legal assistant at a law firm.  The law firm?  Seyfarth Shaw.  And I’d be working – gasp – in the immigration group.  My once-and-future boss (Jim King) swears that I worked as his assistant for a couple of years.  But it was only slightly more than six months.  I wonder now whether it was my incompetence at stapling things that made this period seem so much longer to him …

So I up and went to law school:

Before starting at Seyfarth, I had applied to law schools; I vaguely recall that my applications – like every law school application ever submitted – said something about my desire to help people.  (I know for a fact that I wrote a fair amount about elephants, diminutives, and contagion – but this story has already gone on for far too long to go into detail.)  The people I had in mind were the migrant workers in Indiana and the undocumented people in Tacoma who I had been unable to help.

During law school, however, and after I began to practice law, it became clear that being a lawyer would not dramatically change the fact that I could do nothing – or almost nothing – to help the undocumented farm workers or the people who had simply come to this country to make their families’ lives better, or safer, or easier.  Despite the many ways in which law school is like Hogwarts, being a lawyer did not mean that I could magically change the law.

At least at first, my job as an associate in the immigration group at Seyfarth allowed me to “help people” and to alter their lives through legal immigration.  I was obtaining H, L, TN, O, and even R visas.  Filing PERM applications.  Responding to RFEs.  And I was able to do a fair amount of pro bono work, even managing to help a couple of “those illegals.”

Then I began to specialize in compliance work, focusing mainly on I-9s and E-Verify.  I enjoy this work.  I help keep businesses from facing massive risk due to paperwork violations, and this means that I get to truly partner with my clients to build policies and practical solutions for their businesses.

The downside, however, is that I also face situations, almost daily, in which I advise a client to terminate the employment of an individual who lacks work authorization.  I spot fake green cards and tell my clients that they have to let the employees go.  But she’s my best worker, they say.  She’s been with us for 20 years.  She’s like family.  Isn’t there anything we can do? And I have to tell my client that we can look at the employee’s circumstances, but that in all likelihood there is nothing that can be done.

I love my job.  And I help my clients save boatloads of money by providing training and completing audits of their I-9s.  But it is hard – extraordinarily difficult sometimes – to know that instead of helping the migrant farmworkers, the cooks, the factory workers, the housekeepers, and the construction workers, I am a key player in their loss of jobs. 

And while I sometimes feel that I have let them down, I have to remind myself that I would try harder, do more – if only the immigration laws provided a path to legalization.  I know that it doesn’t always have to be one extreme or the other (get them green cards or get them fired), but short of quitting my job and helping people make better fake green cards (I think I might have a talent for that!), I’m not sure how to help.  I have not let go of my hope that the government will some day create a way for me to help the people I originally set out to assist.  It would be lovely, one day, to be able to say: Yes, there is something we can do.  This is how we start.

Enhanced by Zemanta

Immigration-Agency Lawbreaking Revealed: USCIS's EB-5 "Tenant-Occupancy" Scandal

shocking.jpg[Bloggers Note:  This post is authored jointly by Brandon Meyer and Angelo A. Paparelli] 

Some scandals raise eyebrows; others cause real economic harm.  The one we're about to reveal -- known as "tenant occupancy" -- does both.  It makes the GSA's Las Vegas cavorting pale in comparison. (Immigration lawyer alert:  For those with prurient interests [you know who you are], "tenant occupancy" is not legalese for the recently reported transactions involving the oldest profession as allegedly occurred with the Secret Service at the Hotel Caribe in Cartagena, Columbia.)

Readers of Nation of Immigrators are familiar with the opaque, contradictory, and frequently inane ways in which the Homeland Security Department's immigration-benefits bureau, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), has interpreted America's immigration laws. Over many years, USCIS, like the legacy Justice Department agency, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), burnished its well-deserved reputation for flouting the rule of law and frequently changing legal interpretations and procedures, often without prior notice, let alone stakeholder input. As an early blog post, an open letter to the USCIS Ombudsman, noted in May, 2004, the prior “Notice and Comment” procedures set up by the Administrative Procedure Act (“APA”) have typically been honored in the breach and ignored in the observance.

Stakeholders and the public just had to swallow whatever bitter vittles the U.S. immigration bureaucracy served up, even though, when the direction of the dishing is reversed and petitioners seek immigration benefits, the agency has expected immaculate hygiene and punctilious compliance with its recipes, i.e., USCIS's spare, ambiguous and outdated regulations. Under the leadership of Director Alejandro Mayorkas, however, USCIS has shown a commendable spirit of openness and engagement with the public and the stakeholder community.

Still, old habits die hard. The APA requires USCIS to publish proposed regulations after vetting by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB).  Instead, the agency posts proposals on USCIS.gov.  Each mode of public notice allows for stakeholder comment and engagement.  But the tried-and-true APA requires the agency to publish a reasoned analysis of the commentary, whereas the USCIS's web postings only offer revisions of the posted document without detailing the identity of the commenters, the substance of their remarks and reasons why public comments have been incorporated into the revised posting or rejected.

Stakeholders might understand that minor changes could appropriately be offered through web postings seeking public response but that substantive rules involving topics of public significance should instead go through formal APA rulemaking. The public and Congress might also expect that when laws are enacted setting deadlines for the publication of formal regulations, and suspending agency authority to reject immigration petitions until the regulations are finalized, simple web bulletins are wholly inadequate.  

Take for example legislation enacted in 2002 addressing such subjects of wide interest and concern as foreign investment and job creation, topics that remain important in our still frail economy during the months leading up to November's elections.  In particular, we speak of the EB-5 employment-creation investor green card program. Section 11033 of Public Law 107-273, the 21st Century Department of Justice Appropriations Act of 2002, required INS to publish regulations within 120 days of enactment on how a group of long-unresolved investor cases would be decided.

Even cynical observers of immigration bureaucracy might imagine that USCIS would publish final rules by now. As will be seen, the cynics continue to have reasons aplenty to remain jaundiced. In 2011, USCIS finally published proposed regulations interpreting portions of the 2002 law without addressing rules to interpret job-creation calculations. Even the partial proposed rules, however, have not been made final. 

Predictably, the failure of formal rulemaking has produced disastrous results. For several months, many new I-924 Regional Center Designation applications seemed to have disappeared into a black hole. Applicants and their attorneys following up with USCIS were met with either a wall of silence or given the run-around about the reasons for lengthy USCIS inaction on their respective Regional Center applications.

What was going on? USCIS fessed up in a January 2012 EB-5 stakeholders meeting that certain Regional Center designation applications were placed on "hold" at the headquarters level while "issues" remained to be resolved. What precipitated the hold? What were these ominous “issues?” The EB-5 stakeholder community was left to their often vivid imaginations to figure out what was happening.

Another suspenseful month passed before USCIS released a bulletin on February 17, 2012 on “Tenant Occupancy” stating:

The “tenant-occupancy” methodology seeks credit for job creation by independent tenant businesses that lease space in buildings developed with EB-5 funding. USCIS continues to recognize that whether it is economically reasonable to attribute such “tenant-occupancy” jobs to the underlying EB-5 commercial real estate project is a fact-specific question. USCIS is now moving forward with the adjudication of certain pending I-924 Applications For Regional Centers under the Immigrant Investor Pilot Program that are supported by the “tenant-occupancy” economic methodology.

Our newly-hired economists and business analysts will be bringing expertise to these new adjudications, and requests for evidence will be issued to certain applicants and petitioners to address any questions or issues we have about the economic methodologies employed in their specific cases.

For readers unsteeped in immigration patois, the USCIS bulletin foretold an interpretation that new EB-5 jobs are not created when existing employees of a business are merely moved by an employer that changes worksites and reassigns existing workers to newly leased space in a building financed by EB-5 investor funds.  This is presumably the new expertise that USCIS's "newly-hired economists and business analysts" would bring to the analysis of job-counting methodology. 

The 2002 EB-5 legislation, however, already provides the proper analytical framework.  In a Congressional note to Section 11037 (amending 8 U.S.C. § 1153 note): 

A regional center shall have jurisdiction over a limited geographic area, which shall be described in the proposal and consistent with the purpose of concentrating pooled investment in defined economic zones. The establishment of a regional center may be based on general predictions, contained in the proposal, concerning the kinds of commercial enterprises that will receive capital from aliens, the jobs that will be created directly or indirectly as a result of such capital investments, and the other positive economic effects such capital investments will have. (Emphasis added.)

Thus, Congress dictated that "general predictions" on "jobs . . . created directly or indirectly as a result of [EB-5] capital investments" should suffice.  So what did USCIS do (besides issuing a puzzling bulletin on job-creation calculations and failing to publish final regulations)?

Lawyers and petitioners who've filed Regional Center applications containing tenant-occupancy calculation methods soon found out.  Their mailboxes were hit with a “blizzard of blue” Requests for Additional Evidence (“RFEs”), symbolic of both the color of RFE cover sheets and the seasonal affective disorders triggered in individuals receiving these cerulean missives this past winter.

Requiring documentary responses almost as thick as Tolstoy’s War and Peace, these RFE’s expressed concern that allowing EB-5 investors to claim job-creation credit for the employees of future building tenants was not based on the ‘reasonable methodologies” required by the regulations (as published before Public Law 107-273 was enacted), and thereby foreclosing the possibility that “verifiable detail” of the subsequent job creation could be provided. In essence, after accepting the tenant-occupancy model for over two decades, USCIS disqualified it without further folderol. 

Although USCIS's RFEs do not “foreclose the possibility that [a Regional Center] might present evidence to demonstrate an economically acceptable nexus between the EB-5 investment and . . . the job creation asserted,” the agency requires evidence showing “excess demand for the specific types of tenants” envisioned in the business plan and economic analysis in order to find the required link between EB-5 investment and job creation.

The agency's RFEs also ask whether prospective tenants (as if the Regional Center operator can predict that far into the future) are “constrained” in their current space or cannot expand their business because of a lack of “specialized business space.” The economic illiteracy of the RFEs is on full display in their requests for evidence of “congestion externalities as demonstrated by a low vacancy-unemployment ratio pursuant to specific space and businesses seeking to expand.” Also, evidence is sought showing “upward wage and rental pressure in specific regional sectors that are likely to be attracted to the proposed project space.”

These categories of evidence presumably advocated by USCIS’s newly hired economists and business analysts show little understanding of basic economic theory and private-sector operations. Excess demand for rental space and upward wage pressures are generally only found in tight job markets, economic booms, or in periods of high inflation. Given that the whole point of the Regional Center program is to encourage job creation in high-unemployment or rural areas, requiring proof of “excess demand” or “upward wage pressures” in these areas as a precondition for construction projects is akin to preventing asthmatics from carrying inhalers until they prove they can function without them.

If fact-based adjudications matter, economists and business analysts should know that the leading reason businesses go through the time, effort, and expense of relocating to a new facility is because employment growth is constrained by current space. Thus, if USCIS’ new tenant-occupancy theories take root, the agency will be responsible for preventing job creation by artificially limiting the number of new construction projects that can be developed using EB-5 capital. (Ironically, by limiting construction projects, USCIS will then be responsible for creating the ‘excess demand’ and ‘upward wage pressures’ that it is now demanding.)

USCIS’ efforts to regulate “excess demand” in the EB-5 program is gross government interference by web fiat. No entrepreneur sets out to develop anything if she believes that there will be insufficient demand for the contemplated project. The tenant-occupancy stratagem is just another example of how USCIS’s constant moving of the goalposts in the EB-5 game does nothing but create unease and uncertainty. Worse yet, the new demands ignore the Obama Administration's own statements acknowledging that counting jobs is not an exact science but instead requires "crude" measures that involve admittedly inexact presumptions.  See, e.g., "Estimates of Job Creation from the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009," Executive Office of The President Council Of Economic Advisers, May, 2009

The opaque and secretive nature of how USCIS came to this decision is anything but a confidence-building measure. How will USCIS handle the indignation that is expected on the tenant-occupancy issue during the May 1, 2012 EB-5 stakeholders meeting? Presumably, the agency will have already reviewed the critical reactions of the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA) and the Association to Invest in the USA (IIUSA).

Will USCIS announce its intention to publish a proposed regulation on job-creation calculations (and meantime refrain from denying EB-5 petitions)?  Will the OMB step in to police these USCIS shenanigans? Will the DHS Office of Inspector General investigate USCIS's lawless disregard of its rulemaking duties under Public Law 107-273 (as the GSA's OIG has done of that agency's Vegas escapades)?  Will this USCIS scandal form the plot for The Hangover (Part III)? Apparently, AILA and the IIUSA must hire the GSA's mind reader to find out.

Guest Immigration Post: What Are We Paying for? USCIS and the I-526 Exemplar Process

[Blogger's Note:  Today's post comes to us courtesy of my colleague, Brandon Meyer, a prolific writer whose analysis and commentary cover a wide array of immigration law topics.   Brandon offers a spirited post on a troubling aspect of the EB-5 employment-creation immigrant investor green card category. Thanks to him for having allowed me to be in top holiday spirits, undiverted from the season's pleasing diversions by the labor of love that is www.nationofimmigrators.com.]

What Are We Paying for? 

USCIS and the I-526 Exemplar Process

By Brandon Meyer 

Currency Tipsy Investor.jpg[Author's Prescript]: In the spirit of fairness and open dialogue, I contacted the Community Relations Department of the California Service Center prior to publication to elicit their comment.  No reply was received. 

USCIS Director Alejandro Mayorkas deserves credit for trying to bring meaningful procedural and operational reforms to USCIS in general and to the EB-5 program specifically.  He has pushed for regulatory clarity, consistency of adjudications, and most notably, the introduction of premium processing for EB-5 petitions.  However, the Director’s hard work and good will are in danger of being wasted by his own organization.  A salient example of how the Director’s own agency actively undermines his initiatives is brought to the fore when considering the sham that is the I-526 exemplar process. 

USCIS Propaganda: 

The concept of the I-526 exemplar petition was introduced by the December 11, 2009 memo on “Adjudication of EB-5 Regional Center Proposals and Affiliated Form I-526 and I-829 Petitions; Adjudicators Field Manual (AFM) Update to Chapters 22.4 and 25.2 (AD09-38) (the “Neufeld Memo”).[1] 

The theory behind allowing qualifying Regional Center projects to file so-called “Exemplar Petitions” was to improve overall EB-5 processing.  If a project submitted a sample I-526 petition for prior USCIS review and the project did not materially change over time, then the subsequent I-526 petitions were supposed to be processed in a more consistent manner.  At first, exemplar processing was a courtesy provided free by USCIS.  An exemplar was filed and eventually USCIS would issue an approval notice.  Since there was no fee for an exemplar, USCIS did not issue an I-797 receipt notice upon filing.[2] 

Something changed around Fall 2010.  My office filed an I-526 exemplar petition in October 2010, just prior to the implementation of Form I-924 and the attendant $6,230.00 filing fee.  We received an I-797 receipt notice based on this exemplar filing in which the filing was deemed an amendment to the Regional Center’s designation.  Legally, this was not correct.  The exemplar filing neither asked for an expansion of the Regional Center’s area of geographic scope, nor was the filing asking for the addition of a new industrial focus.  The filing was simply requesting pre-approval of a new project in an area where the Regional Center was already established and in an industry for which it was likewise already approved.  So why was this exemplar classified as an amendment?  USCIS was gearing up for the money grab. 

In the intervening two years since the Neufeld Memo appeared, USCIS has said time and again that the exemplar process was meant to improve the adjudication of subsequently filed I-526 petitions. 

The Reality: 

Apologies to the late Edwin Starr and his classic 1969 anti-war song, “War,” but paraphrasing his lyrics provides us with a clear picture of the reality of the I-924 exemplar process as applied by USCIS.[3] 

            “Your Exemplar.  What is it good for?” 

            “Absolutely nothing!  Say it again!” 

            “Your Exemplar.  What is it good for?” 

            “Absolutely nothing!” 

It has become painfully obvious, despite Director Mayorkas’ public comments and USCIS written guidance to the contrary, that USCIS has no intention of honoring its numerous promises to give deference to an I-526 exemplar approval.  EB-5 stakeholders continue to receive Requests for Evidence (“RFEs”) for I-526 petitions based on approved exemplar petitions where there was no change to the project.  The RFEs are questioning aspects of the EB-5 projects, aspects that were reviewed (or were supposed to have been reviewed) during the exemplar process.  So why was the project good enough during the exemplar process, but now magically deficient when serving as the basis of an I-526 petition?  Did USCIS just cash the $6,230 check, put the filing on the shelf for months, then pick it up and send an approval without reviewing it? 

So why is USCIS issuing RFEs for I-526 petitions for project-related questions vetted and approved during the exemplar process?  The Neufeld memo quoted above states on page four: 

A previously favorable decision may not be relied upon in later proceedings where, for example, the underlying facts upon which a favorable decision was made have materially changed, there is evidence of fraud or misrepresentation in the record of proceeding, or the previously favorable decision is determined to be legally deficient.”[4] 

The reasons outlined for not giving an exemplar approval deference are fair enough.  However, none of the RFEs for I-526 petitions based on an approved exemplar make of these assertions, nor has the exemplar petition approval been reopened for any of these reasons.  Therefore, USCIS is not following its own guidance. Is this intentional or does the left hand not know what the right hand is doing? 

During the September 2010 EB-5 stakeholders meeting held at the California Service Center, USCIS officials told the audience that stakeholders were going to be happy with the November 2010 introduction of Form I-924, with its $6,230.00 filing fee, as well as the increase in the Form I-526 filing fee to $1,500.00.  How could this be, I asked?  The answer I received was that these astronomical fees would allow USCIS to raise headcount by hiring more adjudicators and more specialist business analysts and economists.  The logical outcome, of course, would be that not only would sluggish, slothful, or glacial processing times remarkably improve, but the quality of adjudications would also improve and become more consistent!  “What could be better?”  “How could you not like these fees?”  “We’re giving you want you want!” 

Well, I was skeptical about this bright-future propaganda that was being force-fed on the EB-5 stakeholder community then, and the events of the past 15 months have confirmed my initial pessimism.  Processing times have not budged one bit.  It still takes USCIS eight months to process an I-526 petition.[5] The quality and consistency of EB-5 adjudication has not improved either.  Stakeholders regularly receive RFEs for specious reasons based on shaky reasoning.  Thus, if these high fees were the solution to the problem of slow and inconsistent processing, the solution has failed. 

During the November 2011 AILA California Chapters Conference, my San Diego AILA colleague Kimberly Roubidoux noted wistfully that when she began her career in immigration law, H-1Bs cost $85.00 and were adjudicated in three weeks by the Vermont Service Center.[6]  Today, H-1Bs can cost up to $3,550.00 in filing fees and the Vermont Service Center now needs four months to make a decision on an H-1B.[7]  Yes, folks, you are paying 41 times more to get something 5 ½ times slower.  Now that’s value. 

As we know, USCIS is mostly funded by user fees and the agency must periodically justify to the U.S. Congress that its fees are appropriate.  Yet, as fees increase across the board, service fails to improve.  How can USCIS continue to justify its fees? Sadly, I would be willing to surmise that USCIS could raise I-526 filing fees to $5,000.00 and I-924 filing fees to $25,000.00 and we would still fail to see any the benefits promised by USCIS during the September 2010 EB-5 stakeholders meeting. 

Yet, despite the failure of increased fees to improve EB-5 processing times and service, Director Mayorkas wishes to implement premium processing for certain Form I-924 applications and possibly certain Form I-526 petitions.  The Director’s rationale is sensible and worthy of support.  Job creation and investment are often on hold while the Forms I-924 and I-526 remain stuck for almost a year each in the bowels of the USCIS California Service Center.  However, Director Mayorkas unfortunately misses the point.  Fees at any level would fail to solve the problem.  The problem is the perverse incentives that USCIS faces when trying to fund its own operations. 

I generally do not subscribe to conspiracy theories.  Conspiracy theories are best left to people who can spends weeks at a time camping out in parks and public squares, protesting whatever it is they’re protesting (these people would benefit immensely from the job creating stimulus of a functional EB-5 program). I will nonetheless offer my own conspiracy theory.  EB-5 stakeholders have noticed an upswing in EB-5 related RFEs (although USCIS would probably dispute this assertion, they always do until the true numbers eventually leak out) and another slow down in processing times that coincides with the Director’s initial announcement that he wished to introduce premium processing into EB-5.  Coincidence?  I don’t think so. 

Another factor driving this upsurge in EB-5 RFEs is also too coincidental to be anything but deliberate.  As referenced above, the EB-5 unit has seen an upsurge in headcount funded by these skyrocketing fees.  The RFEs that question the basis of exemplar approvals tend to be focused on the business plans and economic studies included as part of the approved exemplar petition.  Therefore, I surmise this trend is also intentional as a way for USCIS to justify expanding its headcount in this area, under the “look, just look at these bad business plans and economic studies.  Good thing we hired all these people.  Let’s give ourselves a pat on the back for our foresight.” 

For years, the EB-5 stakeholder community has had to listen to a series of unconvincing excuses as to why premium processing was inappropriate for EB-5.  “Impossible.”  “EB-5s are too complex.”  “We can’t guarantee that we can process in 15 days.”  And my favorite, usually offered in a dismissive manner, “nothing is a priority if everything is a priority.” 

By pushing premium processing, Director Mayorkas, knowingly or otherwise, is offering a direct challenge to these years of accumulated dismissals of the idea that premium processing could work for EB-5. 

Therefore, my conspiracy theory is that this upsurge in EB-5 related RFEs and a slow down in processing times is part of a deliberate bureaucratic counterattack to delay and hopefully kill off Mr. Mayorkas' EB-5 premium processing idea once and for all.  How sad would that be?  While USCIS career bureaucrats protect their turf and reputations, job creation and investment in the U.S. remain stalled.  Yes, indeed.  The American people are being held hostage.  USCIS can hire as many “Entrepreneurs in Residence,” and bring in as many business process consultants as they want.  The underlying problem will not change. 

Don’t get me wrong.  Obtaining an exemplar approval is not entirely useless.  It continues to serve as a mechanism for new projects affiliating with existing Regional Centers to show that USCIS recognizes this affiliation.  With the Regional Center marketplace becoming more crowded and fake Regional Center projects popping up from time to time, an exemplar approval can be useful in marketing to show potential investors that the project is real.  However, providing Regional Center projects with marketing credibility was not, and should not be the intention of the exemplar process. 

While the theory behind the exemplar process is exemplary, the reality of the situation has become an absolute joke, a shameless money grab.  So the next time you feel like filing an exemplar and paying the $6,230 I-924 filing fee, do something more useful with that money.  Put the money pile in a fireplace and light it on fire. You’ll get more out of it, such as keeping warm on a cold winter’s night or possibly toasting some marshmallows if you're motivated. 

Brandon Meyer is Principal of Meyer Law Group, a full service immigration law firm with offices in Stamford, CT and Solana Beach, CA.  His e-mail address is Brandon@meyerlawgroup.us.


[1] “Adjudication of EB-5 Regional Center Proposals and Affiliated Form I-526 and I-829 Petitions; Adjudicators Field Manual (AFM) Update to Chapters 22.4 and 25.2 (AD09-38), December 11, 2009.

[2] I asked the question during the March 2010 stakeholders outreach session, “well, if you won’t issue an I-797, how do we know you have the filing and are working on it?”  The answer I received was something to the effect of “trust us.”

[3] See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edwin_Starr, last accessed December 21, 2011.

[4] 2009 Neufeld Memo, page 4.

[5] See the latest California Service Center processing time report as of November 14, 2011, http://www.aila.org/content/default.aspx?docid=37645, last accessed December 21, 2011.

[6] The principal blogger of www.nationofimmigrators.com, Angelo Paparelli, was also a panelist during Kimberly’s reminiscences.

[7] See the latest Vermont Service Center processing time report as of November 14, 2011, http://www.aila.org/content/default.aspx?docid=37649, last accessed December 21, 2011.

Immigration, Cheesy Style

cheese wedges.jpg[Bloggers Note:  Today's offering is a Guest Post by Nici Kersey, who recounts memories as a child and their lasting impact, even on her practice of immigration law.  For a similar recollection of government handouts from my childhood, click here.]

Government Cheese

by Nici Kersey

My first memory of "the government" involves government cheese.  My great-grandmother always had the stuff in her refrigerator, and I thought that it was (after White Castles) the best food ever invented.  At four years old, I had likely only been exposed to a few types of cheese:  cheddar, mozzarella, Velveeta(if that counts), and government.  I had a clear favorite.  When I requested it at the grocery store, my mom told me that it wasn’t something you could just buy, and I became convinced that it was a rare and very special thing, right up there with love and happiness.

Of course, as I grew up (or at least got older), I learned more about the government, and it is now my job to “deal” with the government on a daily basis.  Most of these dealings are via  paper filings only.  Speaking with government representatives over the phone is not a daily occurence, and it is rarer still to have in-person interactions.  (Unless you count my daily interactions with my husband, who serves in the U.S. Army.)  I have attended a handful of interviews and appointments at the USCIS office on the north side of Atlanta.  While most of these experiences have been palatable, none have left me as satisfied as I was as a four-year old after eating that government cheese.

Just as the government “cheese” wasn’t real cheese – but instead a highly processed “cheese product” -- the immigration “service” isn’t renowned for its service.  Instead, it provides customers with lengthy processing times, delays, non-answers, and, often, disappointing decisions.

Because I had come to expect disappointment, I was pleasantly surprised during a recent series of interactions with the government.  (I had become so accustomed to eating the government cheese that I had all but forgotten the many other cheese options that the cows, goats, sheep, and apparently even cats of the world have made possible.)

My (pro bono) client was another Army wife.  She had entered this country as a fiancée years ago, married the guy who had filed the petition on her behalf, and later divorced.  They did not file a green card application.  She then married the U.S. citizen/soldier, and they worked to immediately file the requisite green card paperwork.  It was denied because the only way for someone who entered in K-1 (fiancée) status to obtain a green card is through marriage to (and, according to the USCIS examiner, petition by) the K-1 petitioner.  ICE initiated removal proceedings against her, and then I got involved. 

In large part because of my client’s status as an Army wife, the government treated her with fairness, respect, and (compared to other similar cases) a good deal of speed.  ICE agreed to place her under an order of supervision rather than in a detention facility, so she was able to go home and resume her normal life.  (She had to be home for a designated window of time each Sunday for a phone call from an automated ICE system, and she was not able to drive without a license because I forbade her from doing so, fearing an arrest.)  I have not asked her how much cheese she ate during her period of supervision.

We went to court twice.  The first was for a Master Calendar Hearing, and the judge agreed to fast-track the case, assigning us an individual hearing about a month later (whereas others were being assigned almost a year in advance).  At the individual hearing, the government attorney did not argue against my client’s adjustment of status, and the judge granted it.  We were lucky to have a new case on our side (Matter of Sesay) that more-or-less mirrored my client’s situation; it held that, so long as the foreign national who entered in K-1 status married the petitioner (and the marriage was bona fide – real cheese rather than “cheese food,” if you will), she was eligible to adjust status, regardless of whether the marriage was in tact at the time of adjustment.  She is now awaiting her green card, which should arrive in the next week or so. 

My description of the case may make it sound simple; it wasn’t.  But at all points during the process, our interactions with the government went smoothly and ended well.  And it all happened fast!  We did not have to wait for the government cheese to age, and it turns out that it is best eaten young.

A recent announcement by ICE to exercise discretion in removal cases has about half of the country in uproar.  But it makes sense to focus on the situations in which the foreign national is more deserving of removal (where serious crimes are involved, for instance) instead of spending valuable court and preparation time on Army wives.  There are downsides to the discretion:  it is not likely to occur quickly, and it does not offer much in the way of a resolution/peace of mind for those who are on the favorable side of the discretion.  But it marks a step toward functionality.  And I’ll take that kind of processed “cheese food” over the likely alternative (deport everyone/no cheese at all) any day. 

Guest Post: USCIS Entrepreneur Initiatives - Do They Really Help?

Man in a Business Suit With Post-it Notes All Over Him.jpg[Blogger's note:  Sincere thanks go to my colleague and friend, Karin Wolman, for giving me a writing respite during my summer vacation.  Karin's latest guest post, like her prior ones, available here and here, critique USCIS policy changes that make it less likely that deserving workers, entrepreneurs and investors will receive the employment-based immigration benefits Congress intended in enacting the Immigration Act of 1990. As President George H. W. Bush predicted (incorrectly, it turns out) in his signing statement:

  

[The 1990 Act] will encourage the immigration of exceptionally talented people, such as scientists, engineers, and educators. Other provisions of [The 1990 Act] will promote the initiation of new business in rural areas and the investment of foreign capital in our economy.

As the National Journal recently reported in an article discussing the discovery of internal hacking of management emails occurring at the USCIS Texas Service Center, "'insider threats '" continue to threaten the initiatives of USCIS leadership. The National Journal's piece focused on technology and security threats from agency insiders. I suggested in a recent post, however, that perhaps the greater threat to progress in embracing the President's pro-jobs and innovation agenda is adjudicator resistance and internal insubordination.  Karin Wolman's post below also highlights the type of internal resistance to change that is emblematic of the dysfunctions of government authorities in the immigration ecosphere.]

Guest Post: USCIS Entrepreneur Initiatives - Do They Really Help?

By Karin Wolman

The most important thing to know about the DHS Press Release and press conferenceof August 2, 2011 on Initiatives to Promote Startup Enterprises and Spur Job Creation, the published USCIS Fact Sheet of the same title of August 3, 2011, the USCIS FAQ Regarding Entrepreneurs and the Employment-Based Second Preference, and the related Entrepreneurs Stakeholder Engagement conference call of August 11, is that all these initiatives are largely window-dressing, despite excited coverage in the Wall Street Journal. They represent no substantive changes in the Service's occasionally contorted interpretations of the law.

For all the lip service to the Administration's laudable goals of helping entrepreneurs spur the growth of new businesses, for now, USCIS is not changing any of its interpretations of law. The Service is not in any way relaxing its insistence on the US sponsoring company having to demonstrate a “right to control” the foreign worker, and offers no policy guidance loosening the Service’s unduly restrictive definition of who can considered an “employee” under the Immigration & Nationality Act, per a Donald Neufeld memorandum of January 8, 2010, ("the Neufeld memo") - which does not have the force of law, nor even regulation - nor will they instruct officers to restrict that memo and its definitions to the H-1B context. There is no policy guidance loosening the Service’s narrow, literal-minded geographic reading of the phrase “national in scope,” with respect to job creation as a benefit to the United States under the EB-2 National Interest Waiver. There is no promise of a path for E-2 Treaty Investors to transition to permanent residence. In fact, these initiatives for entrepreneurs herald no real increase in the availability of anytype of visas for employee-owners or owner-directors, either of foreign-owned startups under the H-1B or O-1 visa category, or E-2, or EB-2 green cards for entrepreneurs under the National Interest Waiver, or for director-owners of privately held multinational companies under the L-1A or multinational manager or executive visas.

The attitude embodied in the January 2010 Neufeld memo is an obsession with a “right to control” the H1B worker, a single factor weighted far more heavily than all other factors combined. It has prompted a relentless drive among adjudicators to pierce the corporate veil at will, and to start by assuming that all owner-beneficiary scenarios are somehow “fraudulent.” Its treatment of any employee with an ownership stake as ˜not a real employee’ is deeply damaging to all manner of entrepreneurial businesses seeking visa benefits for their workers.

The Neufeld memo on its face does not apply to the O-1 visa, nor to L-1 or multinational manager immigrant visas “ those categories were never intended to be unavailable to owners who happen to be employees of the US business - but the Service has become enamored of applying its new, narrow definition of “employee” across all visa categories. To date, USCIS offers no concrete authority for combating persistent misapplication of the “right to control” standard at the individual case level, except for a non-binding suggestion that it may be possible for an owner-employee to demonstrate “control” over his or her employment by a Board of Directors.

The Neufeld memo has spread throughout all areas of employment-based visa adjudications, encouraging adjudicators to zealously apply a restrictive interpretation of the “employer-employee” relationship drawn from the Darden[1] and Clackamas[2] cases. These cases on which the Service relies for its definition of “employee” did not involve immigration law at all; they related to the definitions of “employee” with regard to eligibility for ERISA pension benefits and to applicability of access requirements under the Americans with Disabilities Act. In relying on those cherry-picked Supreme court decisions, USCIS elected to ignore an array of long-standing precedents providing guidance on the definitions of the employer-employee relationship that were specific to immigration law, and which had been followed by the agency for decades[3], as well as more recent Supreme Court case law[4]. The legal deficiencies in the Neufeld memo and its strained definition of “employee” are numerous, but they are laid out in magnificent detail in the American Immigration Lawyers Association memo to the director and chief counsel of USCIS of January 26, 2010, so I will not attempt to recreate or paraphrase those arguments here (the AILA memois 24 pages long). This paragraph is intended as a mere CliffsNotes®-style summary of some major flaws in the Neufeld memo, for those unfamiliar with its contents and AILA’s response.

When asked during the August 11 Stakeholder Engagement call on Entrepreneurs if there will be any attempt to clarify or limit application of the Neufeld memo to H-1B adjudications, Service representatives ignored the question and offered no response. However, during the California Service Center Stakeholder Engagement call of Wednesday, August 10, USCIS representatives explicitly said that the Entrepreneur initiatives do not represent any substantive changes in USCIS interpretation of the law, regulations, and applicable legal standards. They intend to stand by their current interpretation of who can be an “employer” under the Immigration & Nationality Act, tacitly acknowledging that they have no plans to scale back inappropriate mission creep of the Neufeld memo into the realm of O-1s, L-1s, and beyond.

The definition of “employee” urged by the Neufeld memo is based on a factually false assumption that owner-directors seek to start a business in the US for the main purpose of getting themselves a visa, rather than to realize a business goal. It contradicts decades of specific, on-point guidance in precedent cases acknowledging the difference between a company and an individual; but most importantly, it seeks to disallow visa eligibility for entrepreneurs on every scale. The notion that if a worker has an ownership stake in a business, then any visa petition by that business on the worker’s behalf is a fraud, is not just an erroneous premise: it is inherently hostile to a broad array of new and startup-phase businesses, small businesses, privately-held multinationals, companies with partnership or employee-shareholder models for growth, and any company in which a foreign national has a hand in funding, starting or expanding the US business. As a matter of visa policy, this is economic suicide.

At the very moment in our history when the U.S. economy most desperately needs the services of those individuals willing to put their own money, as well as their time, effort, skills and intellectual capital, into starting and growing US companies, USCIS adjudicators are dreaming up an ever-expanding universe of reasons to say 'no’ based on the size and age of a business and on the “right to control” the foreign worker. USCIS agency leadership has admitted it has no plans to rein them in, and does not even intend to issue guidance explicitly limiting application of the Neufeld memo or its definition of who is an “employee” to H-1B adjudications, which was its ostensible purpose when published. This makes their well-publicized “entrepreneur” initiatives ring hollow.

So, what could USCIS do to offer concrete improvements? Without making any changes to the statute or the regulations, USCIS could enhance visa opportunities for entrepreneurs and owner-directors by retracting some of its more onerous and tortured interpretations of law. Here are a few good places to start:

A) withdraw the Neufeld memo,

Or, at the very least,

B) issue an H-1B policy memo and officer retraining, limiting application of the Neufeld memo and the “right to control” definition of an employer-employee relationship to H-1B adjudications, and clarify that this narrow definition does not apply to O-1s, to L-1s, or to multinational managers;


C) issue an EB-2 policy memo and officer retraining on the second prong of NYSDOT for National Interest Waivers, noting that creation of a substantial number of jobs for US workers in even one location could be deemed to offer significant prospective benefit to national interests of the United States, if, for example, those jobs are in manufacturing, or in industries that have suffered significant layoffs in the past two years in the state or region where the business is located, or in industries where the US has lost significant market share to foreign competitors. Each of those provide a real, substantial benefit to our nation that could be documented with quantitative evidence.

 


[1] Nationwide Mutual Insurance Company v. Darden, 503 U.S. 318 (1992)

[2] Clackamas Gastroenterology Associates, P.C. v. Wells, 538 U.S. 440 (2003)

[3] Matter of Aphrodite Investments Limited, 17 I&N Dec. 530 (Comm. 1980), Matter of Allan Gee, Inc., 17 I&N Dec. 296 (Acting Reg. Comm. 1979), and Matter of M--, 8 I&N Dec. 24 (BIA 1958, AG 1958)

[4] Raymond D. Yates, M.D.,P.C. Profit Sharing Plan v. Hendon, 541 U.S. 1, 124 S. Ct. 1330 (2004)

 

Guest Post: The New Immigration Reality for O-1 Visa Petitions by Agents

 

[Blogger's note:  Today's post is written by my colleague and friend, Karin Wolman.  Karin's latest guest post,  like her last one, available here, critiques USCIS policy changes that adversely affect the use of the O-1 visa category by artists and entertainers.  When her last post was published on this blog, I was soon contacted by a senior USCIS official who expressed discomfiture and disappointment from the repurcussions her post caused for the agency.  Let's see how the USCIS responds this time.  I'm happy to give an agency spokesperson equal time on this blog to reply. ]   

 

Based on public outcry from the arts community and the immigration bar, US Citizenship & Immigration Services has sought to engage stakeholders in a dialogue in order to understand why their policy memorandum of November 2009 regarding agents serving as O-1 petitioners  was not well received, and why their ongoing, ever-narrower “clarifications” reinterpreting the regulations are so unpopular with the industries that rely on the O-1 visa. In short, that memo has substantively changed the interpretation of existing law and regulations, and it added new requirements not supported by the regulation, even though the regulations themselves have not been amended nor revised since adoption of the O-1 Final Rule in 1994. As a consequence, the landscape for O-1 visa sponsorship has changed dramatically.

The most recent opportunity for stakeholder feedback on Agent-as-Petitioner issues was provided by the USCIS Office of Public Engagement in a stakeholder teleconference on March 24, 2011. Some questions were answered, many remain unanswered. Speakers intimated that forthcoming answers in an as-yet unpublished Executive Summary may be even more unpopular and may further destabilize industries already facing serious economic challenges. The most alarming reinterpretation suggested was that USCIS may start to consider O-1 performers to have violated status if they have accepted any new engagements with any “employer” not named in the original petition, even though the regulation at 8 CFR 214.2(o)(2)(iv)(D) explicitly says, “In the case of a petition filed for an artist or entertainer, a petitioner may add additional performances or engagements during the validity period of the petition without filing an amended petition.” If USCIS pursues the suggested interpretation, it will upset almost two decades of settled practice, and would render nearly every O-1 actor, dancer, musician and singer out of status when they seek to extend stay, renew their visa or file for a change or adjustment of status.

 

The crux of the difficulty is the Service’s insistence on trying to create formulaic and rigid rules for a visa classification whose primary usefulness has been its flexibility, and has highly subjective legal standards, which have allowed individual adjudicators to apply their real-world knowledge and common sense. The consistency so dearly cherished and sought after by agency hobgoblins has led to “clarifications” and “interpretations” that turn long-established agency practice on its head, and destroy well-settled expectations in the professional communities that rely most heavily on the O-1.

 

Briefly, an “agent” in the O-1 visa context may be a US entity formally in business as an agent or business manager, e.g. providing artist representation; or it may be one among several prospective US employers/presenters/entities that wish to engage the services of the beneficiary (“Agent performing the function of an employer”), or it may be an unrelated party in the US that has a tax identification number and is authorized by the employers/presenters/entities that wish to engage the services of the beneficiary to serve as their agent -solely for the limited purpose of filing a visa petition to facilitate these engagements. 

 

As indicated by the preceding paragraph, many problems in USCIS attempts to achieve consistency in interpreting the O-1 regulations stem from use of the words “employer” or “employment.”  Those words often do not accurately characterize how work is done in fields of endeavor for which the O-1 visa is used. Although they get paid, most professional athletes in non-team solo sports, most fine artists and performing artists do not usually work in an employer-employee relationship. This is not rare, arcane knowledge: many Americans know when they go to the movies that the actors are not salaried employees of the film studio, but get a flat fee per film, or union scale rates for the time worked. When they buy a CD, they know that Lady Gaga is not an employee of the record label. When they watch a pro golf tournament, they know that Tiger Woods doesn’t have a boss. Apparently, USCIS has distanced itself from common sense understanding of how these industries work, and adjudicators are being asked to set aside their real-world knowledge and apply formulaic standards of “employment” to industries where an employer-employee relationship is not the norm. This is particularly sad and disturbing because the fact that there are many types of work in the arts and entertainment that do not fit the traditional employer-employee model was a foundational reason for the creation of the O and P visa categories in 1991.

 

The Service’s attempts to characterize all working relationships as “employment” have done considerable damage to the O-1 visa category already, and appear likely to do more, particularly in the context of O-1 petitions by an agent.

 

Requirements for a petition by an agent now include:

1)      A written itinerary of confirmed engagements, including dates, addresses, rates of pay, etc.;

2)      Contracts between employers/presenters and the foreign beneficiary;

3)      Written consent for the agent to serve as visa petitioner from all other employers/presenters listed on the itinerary;*

4)      Contract or summary of oral agreement between agent & foreign beneficiary.

Requirements 1, 2 and 4 are contained in the O-1 regulations exactly as they have existed since the Final Rule published in 1994, although interpretations of the regulations have changed considerably in the past three years. The written consent requirement is not authorized by regulation (lawyers call this ultra vires), and it creates another burdensome addition to the growing ream of paperwork required for artist sponsorship. Form I-129, until recently 4 pages, has mushroomed to 7 pages; the O/P Supplement, previously only 1 page, is now 2 pages. The thinking behind this agent-consent requirement is foggy at best. When the agent- petitioner already has to provide the contracts for each engagement, what is gained by also requiring a separate document from each presenterconsenting to the agent’s service as visa petitioner?  Does USCIS really think the agent could otherwise have obtained the contract details by stealth, without the consent and cooperation of each presenter?

Neither O-1 regulations nor the November 2009 policy memo require the contracts between employers and beneficiary to be signed – a good thing, as that would effectively kill off the possibility of any foreign artists touring in the US, since lead time for signed contracts inthe performing arts is extremely short. Indeed, as long as all the material terms of agreement are spelled out at least roughly - type of work to be performed, where and when, for what compensation – and if there is as yet no formal written contract, the version of the agreement furnished with a visa petition may be a brief Summary of Oral Agreement laying out all these terms, but it need not be not signed by either party.

However, an O-1 petitioner must also obtain advisory opinions from the relevant labor unions in any field where there is one, and this covers all the performing arts. The number of unions that must be consulted depends on the type(s) of work offered in the US. Some unions have more stringent requirements than USCIS. Notably, O-1 petitions involving aliens of extraordinary achievement in film and television must always include at least two union consultations – one from a labor organization, such as the Screen Actors Guild or the American Federation of Television & Radio Artists, and one from a management organization, the Alliance of Motion Picture & Television Producers.  AMPTP requires all contracts or deal memos to be signed, effectively ratcheting up the documentation standard.

With regard to the itinerary and supporting contracts, for a while (in late 2009 and early 2010) USCIS was automatically sending a Request for Evidence in any O-1 petition where there was a gap in the proffered itinerary of 45 days or more. That practice and policy was formally withdrawn per a USCIS memorandum of July 2010, but adjudicators retain broad discretion to request additional evidence in support of the petition validity dates requested. Their discretion is now being used not only to inquire about gaps in the itinerary, or where the end date of the period requested is any later than the end of the last documented engagement, but also to challenge the very nature of the proposed tour itinerary as a single “event.” Adjudicators apparently now have discretion to truncate the requested validity period at some arbitrary point in mid-itinerary chosen by the adjudicator, not by the agent or tour manager. What one hand gives, the other takes away.

 

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration SERVICES (REALLY!?!): Where the Wild Things Are

[Blogger's Note: Today's guest posting on immigration dysfunctionality offers a view on pop culture. The parenthetical "(REALLY!?!)" in the title -- inserted as an editorial comment by the blog's usual author -- suggests the smarmy skepticism of an Amy Poehler and Seth Meyers riff on Saturday Night Live. The Haloween-themed guest post is by Nici Kersey, my colleague at Seyfarth Shaw LLP and a rising star in the immigration-lawyer firmament.]

For Halloween, I have decided to dress as Max from Where the Wild Things Are. I was not able to locate a Max costume at any of the traditional Halloween costume stores, so I channeled my former costume designer self, pulled out the sewing machine, and made one. I chose Max because the costume was much easier to make than the costume for any of the other “wild things” and because I have of late been feeling a lot like Max. Bottled up anger and frustration, often directed toward the immigration authorities, make me want to tear through the woods screaming. “Roar! Roar! ROAR!”

A recent example:

A colleague asked if I could help his friend with an immigration issue. For immigration attorneys, this is a frequent occurrence. Typically, the question is about a boyfriend, fiancée, friend, nanny, or neighbor who is in the U.S. “illegally.” Those discussions are often heartbreaking, as there is frequently not much that we can do to help.

This time, the discussion was upsetting for a different reason. A gentleman who had been in the U.S. for several years, working in H-1B status, complained that his wife was unable to obtain a driver’s license. The man’s employer had violated numerous immigration laws and regulations by requiring, for example, that he pay the costs and attorney fees associated with his H-1B visa petitions and with his labor certification application, but he was not interested in trying to recoup those costs (totaling more than $10,000). His main concern was that his wife was not able to drive.

In Atlanta, not being able to drive is a fairly serious disability, as public transportation is unreliable and inconvenient. This man’s wife was suffering from a frustrating lack of independence and a serious case of cabin fever. (Still, I was surprised by the lack of concern over the ten grand.)

Due to government error in issuing the H-4 approval notice to this man’s wife, the notice did not include a start date or an expiration date. When she went to the license branch, she was turned away, as her immigration document did not contain the information necessary for issuance of the license, and the SAVE (Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements) system could not verify that she was legally allowed to be in the United States.

She tried contacting USCIS to correct the error and was told she would have a response within 45 days. (The wild things roared their terrible roars …) No response ever arrived. (… and gnashed their terrible teeth …) We contacted USCIS and SAVE to attempt to correct the error, and we were told that we would have a response within 45 days. (… and rolled their terrible eyes …) Again, no response ever arrived. (… and showed their terrible claws …) Because of the length of time the woman’s husband had spent in the U.S. in H-1B status, her H-4 status was only valid for 1 year, and by this time, nearly half of that year was already gone.

In the end, rather than continue to seek a revised approval notice or a driver’s license, the couple decided to move to Canada, where the gentleman has been offered a job. The good news is that the new employer treats its foreign national employees well and will pay all of the immigration-related costs for the couple’s move to Canada and for their maintenance of immigration-status in Canada. More good news? The man’s wife should be able to obtain a Canadian driver’s license. The bad news is that the U.S. lost a talented individual who had hoped to make the U.S. his permanent home. He had to uproot his family, which had lived in Atlanta for nearly a decade and had come to consider this his home. All of this, over something as simple as a driver’s license. Roar.

As has been noted in this blog in the past, USCIS does not offer an acceptable form of customer service. I accept that the government makes mistakes; we all do. But it should never take 45 days to correct a clear government error – an error that could be corrected by re-printing a single sheet of paper and sticking it in the mail. Here, it took more than 90 days to not correct the error or do anything at all to cure the problem. (If I regularly treated my clients this way, I would likely be not only fired but also disbarred.) It is due to problems like this that the U.S. is becoming a less desirable destination for so many talented individuals. It is due, in part, to our immigration system that the U.S. lost the recent bid to host the Olympics.

A Canadian friend recently called and said that his J-2 work authorization was set to expire and that he needed to extend it. “Is that something you can help me with?” he asked. I said that I would be glad to help. “So, can I just bring this down to your office and you can stamp it or something?” I explained that that was not exactly an accurate description of the extension process. “But I thought that attorneys were ‘officers of the court’ and that you could take care of these types of things.” Let the wild rumpus start!

--------

Immigration Service Hits Arts Presenters in the Purse

[Blogger's Note: This blog on dysfunctionality in the world of U.S. immigration law and policy welcomes principled and thoughtful commentary by guest writers. Today's guest post is by Karin Wolman, a highly regarded New York immigration lawyer with an expertise in immigration issues affecting artists, entertainers and the venues where they perform.]

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) has released an October 7, 2009 News Release that will shake up the world of arts and entertainment. The Release outlines new ground rules for O and P visa petitioners that will require every presenter on a single U.S. tour for a foreign performing artist to file separate visa petitions, with separate filing fees. (O-1 visas are for individual aliens of extraordinary ability, P-1 visas are for internationally-recognized entertainment groups, and P-3 visas are for artists coming to the U.S. to perform in a culturally unique art form.)

Traditionally, regional theaters and non-profit venues in the U.S. have pooled their limited resources, making it financially possible without breaking the season budget on one show to present important works by foreign artists to American audiences. The way this has worked until now is that one presenting theater or venue on the tour, sometimes a co-producer with the artist, would file a single visa petition for the foreign artist as the “employer” for the first stop on the tour, and as an “agent” for all the dates and venues with other U.S. employers. This one visa petition would cover every show on the U.S. tour, with evidence including the artist’s contracts with all the other U.S. presenters, and the other presenters would help defray other costs of the tour.

Except now, the USCIS is claiming the regulations never allowed that (but they have, and they do). The USCIS News Release claims that unless the initial presenting venue that would normally file one petition for a whole tour is “in business as an agent,” and has its own contracts with each of the other presenters as a “client,” every presenter must file its own petition.

That’s right, the immigration service has decided that now is the time to dig deeper into the pockets of arts organizations, already drained by the economic crisis, to demand duplicative filing fees, and illegally re-write the rules in an informal document that blatantly contradicts current regulations.

The unsigned agency Release, which does not have the force of regulation, vaporizes a part of the existing regulations without actually going through the publication, notice and comment procedures required to change the regulations. It ratchets up filing fees at a time when the arts community can least afford them, by requiring separate petitions in a common situation previously covered by a single petition.

The Release also adds a new evidentiary requirement, found nowhere in existing USCIS regulations:

Such a petition may be approved with respect to all employers only if Employer A can establish to the satisfaction of USCIS that it is “in business as an agent,” and that the other employers are its clients. This may be accomplished by agent-Employer A submitting all of the [customarily] required evidence . . ., as well as evidence of the agency relationship, such as a copy of its contract with the other employers.

Both this added evidentiary requirement, and the USCIS claim that any employer acting as an agent on behalf of other employers must also be “in business as an agent,” contradict the plain language and intent of the regulation at 8 CFR § 214.2(o)(2)(iv)(E), which states in part:

A United States agent may be: the actual employer of the beneficiary, the representative of both the employer and the beneficiary; or, a person or entity authorized by the employer to act for, or in place of, the employer as its agent.

Most tellingly, the regulation then divides into subsections - (E)(1) applies to ”An agent performing the function of an employer,” (E)(2) applies to, “A person or company in business as an agent, ” and (E)(3) applies to “A foreign employer, who through a U.S. agent, files a petition.” The plain language of the regulation belies the claim that an agent performing the function of an employer must also be “in business as an agent.”

To see the impact of the Release, let’s look at a not untypical fictional example:

Alba the Amazing is a Spanish aerialist/flamenco dancer/poet whose mixed-media performance art is the hottest show in Europe. Alba has earned rave reviews in 15 countries. An American theatre, the Cottage CoProducing Company, commissions a new original work and invites Alba to give the opening performances of their 2009-2010 season, for three shows in mid-November 2009. Alba books additional U.S. gigs following this premiere, for three shows each with Petite Presenter,The Tiny Theatre and the Avant-Garde Arena, running through January 2010. These three entities are small regional non-profit theatres, and are depending on Alba’s ticket sales to help maintain their subscriber base through this winter. All three were named as additional stops on Alba’s U.S. tour in the O-1 visa petition filed by the Cottage CoProducing Company, filed last week, with copies of Alba’s contracts with each presenter. The Cottage CoProducing Company is not in business as an agent, the other three presenters are not its clients, and they do not have separate contracts with Cottage CoProducing Company. The USCIS Release indicates that this petition will be approved only for the December shows at Cottage CoProducing Company, the subsequent dates will be refused, and the other three theatres will each be required to file a separate petition, incurring thousands of dollars in costs that exceed their budget.

The existing regulation explicitly permits the filing of “agent” petitions by one employer for other employers, so long as the contract between agent and foreign entertainer or artist is formalized. It does not state that one employer acting on behalf of itself and other employers must show that it is in business as an agent, nor does it require contracts between one employer and other employers. Through this informal, unsigned Release, USCIS is attempting to invalidate 8 CFR § 214.2(o)(2)(iv)(E)(1) and the second half of paragraph 8 CFR § 214.2(o)(2)(iv)(E), without amending the regulations or allowing any public comment.

Major producing and presenting venues, arts organizations, funding and grant-making organizations, the theatre-going public, and especially immigration practitioners who work with performers should all object formally, forcefully, and fast.

Unless this informal rule is rescinded, American theaters, concert halls and other presenting venues are going to find big holes in their budgets for upcoming seasons, and risk losing touch with the world of art and entertainment outside our borders.

California Immigrants: The Victims of Friendly Fire

Guest Column By Peter Schey President, Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law pschey@centerforhumanrights.org

Whether made out of an abysmal ignorance or reckless disregard of fairly well-known facts regarding immigration policy, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenneger’s recent comments on this subject are hopelessly misguided, profoundly embarrassing to California, and virtually guarantee that the State with the most at stake on migration issues in this country will have no voice at the negotiating table when it comes to immigration policy.

Gov. Schwarzenneger, who has never answered questions regarding the legality of his own employment when he arrived here as an immigrant in 1971, or authorized the release of his immigration files for public scrutiny, has now launched a xenophobic and senseless crusade against the migrant community living in California while at the same time claiming to be “the champion of immigrants.” If he is their champion, then immigrants in California feel they have been hit and seriously wounded by friendly fire.

Within the past two weeks the governor has made several incredibly stupid statements relating to migration policy and California’s role in the national immigration debate.

First came his widely publicized and incomprehensible comment that the federal Government should simply “close the borders in California and all across between Mexico and the United States.” These words were hardly out of his mouth when his handlers corrected the record by claiming that the governor’s poor command of English was to blame and what he actually meant to say was that we should “secure” the borders. Even with its limited English, the immigrant community asked itself what part of “close” does the Governor not understand?

Is this the Sharon solution for separating Israelis and Palestinians? Does California’s governor, who supports “family values,” really believe that we can fortify our borders to stop wives from joining their husbands, and parents from joining their children, crossing the borders without documents because of ten-year delays in getting their family-based visas? The family values cherished by these migrants will give them the courage to cross any fortifications the governor has in mind when he thinks we should simply close the borders

Even more troubling than this absurd comment was the Governor’s aside that in any event immigration policy is a national issue, and therefore “there’s not much that we can do here in California." What he should have said is “there is nothing we, the most impacted State in the country, are doing about immigration policy because I haven’t studied the issue and I know nothing about it.”

Then came the Governor’s amazing endorsement of the vigilante Minutemen. Schwarzenneger became the first Governor in the country to endorse vigilantism. Every high federal official involved in border protection, including President Bush, has condemned vigilantism as dangerous and unhelpful to border enforcement. But Gov. Schwarzenneger offers vigilantes a big California cigar: "I think they've done a terrific job," Schwarzenegger says of the vigilante Minuteman. Adopting the vigilante line, he complains that the “federal government is not doing their [sic] job. It's a shame that the private citizen has to go in there and start patrolling our borders."

While Schwarzenneger is obviously clueless about what the federal Government is doing, it is hardly sitting on its hands when it comes to border enforcement. The federal National Border Patrol Strategy, adopted after the formation of the Department of Homeland Security, has several ambitious goals including operational control of the nation’s border, particularly the borders with Mexico and Canada. The U.S. Customs and Border Protection agency currently pursues a wide range of strategies to secure the borders including training and deploying thousands of officers with highly sophisticated surveillance equipment, using rapid deployment units to quickly counter and interdict based on shifts in smuggling routes and tactical intelligence, use of interior checkpoints and enforcement operations, and coordination and partnering with other federal and State law enforcement agencies.

These activities result in about a million migrant apprehensions and removals a year. The border is hardly “open,” as Schwarzenneger and the vigilantes say. The federal Government has a range of major enforcement initiatives taking place along the borders. Schwarzenneger just has no idea what they involve, and therefore is not in a position to make any meaningful recommendations regarding enhanced border enforcement.

As for endorsing the vigilante response, the governor’s statements again show his total lack of understanding of border issues. The recent surge in United States vigilante groups has seen armed and unarmed civilian patrols, gunpoint detentions and interrogations, assaults and batteries, and murder. Much of this vigilante activity is colored by white supremacist ideology. Most vigilante web sites bristle with racist and anti-government rhetoric that can only encourage violence against migrants.

On April 10 Maricopa County sheriff's deputies in Arizona arrested 24-year-old Patrick Haab on several counts of aggravated assault with a deadly weapon after he drew a pistol on seven immigrants at an Interstate 8 rest stop and forced them to lay on the ground while he called 911 and reported having captured a group of “illegal aliens.” Haab, who is on medication for battle distress syndrome after serving in Iraq, states that his military training just kicked in and he thought he was doing the right thing for his country. It seems Haab forgot he was on Interstate 8 in Maricopa County, USA, 200 hundred miles from the Mexican border, not at a Green Zone checkpoint in Baghdad.

Most Minutemen and their vigilante partners see Haab as a patriotic hero, and have publicly urged Arizona authorities not to prosecute the case for assault with a deadly weapon. If the Arizona authorities pursue Mr. Haab too hard, maybe he will take up the governor’s invitation and move to California.

The governor’s observation that the vigilantes have “cut down the crossing of illegal immigrants a huge percentage” is absurd. The vigilantes haven’t reduced undocumented migration across the Mexico-U.S. border, they have simply rechanneled migrants to safer crossing areas. There is no evidence that adding a few hundred vigilantes to the thousands of trained, armed, and well-equipped U.S. Border Patrol agents already there, has had any impact at all on the total numbers of migrants crossing the Mexico-U.S. border.

Border Patrol agents deal with armed drug smugglers virtually every day and are also responsible for preventing the illegal entry of terrorists. The Air Branch of the U.S. Customs and Border Protection, and its subordinate Air Unit, use aviation assets to perform missions related to securing the land borders from incursions of would-be terrorists or smugglers.

The task of these trained enforcement officers is obviously made far more difficult when hundreds of vigilantes are roaming the desert along the border in search of immigrants, some organized and others not, many armed with guns, and a significant number holding virulent anti-government and white-supremacy views. Indeed, the Border Patrol points out that the vigilantes have hindered border enforcement efforts by tripping electronic alarms, destroying evidence, smothering footprints, interfering with tracking operations, and diverting migrants from Government patrols that might have apprehended them. Gov. Schwarzenneger’s senseless applause for the vigilantes is not the type of support law enforcement officers risking their lives along the nation’s borders are looking for.

California more than any other State in the country has an enormous stake in the national debate on immigration policy. Mexican-Americans represent at least a quarter of the state's population, and an even larger share of the state's youth. As many as half the undocumented migrants in the country live in California, most in Southern California where they pick the Governor’s vegetables, wash dishes in the restaurants he frequents, clean his hotel rooms, and watch his neighbors’ children. Everyone agrees that the vast majority of these immigrants, aside from their undocumented entries, are law-abiding members of their communities and contribute in many ways to California’s cultural diversity and economic growth. Were they all to leave California to protest the Governor’s new immigrant-bashing pronouncements, there is little doubt the recovering California economy would suffer a major blow.

There were early signs that Schwarzenegger may become engaged in migration issues and California-Mexico relations. In October 2003, shortly before taking office, he met with Mexico’s foreign minister Dr. Luis Ernesto Derbez. Derbez is well-versed in domestic and transnational economic, trade and migration issues and the opportunity was there to commence an important dialogue. A Schwarzenegger supporter who arranged the meeting said “his intention is to find a solution for immigrants to come to the United States and work here in a legal way.” It appears that Schwarzenegger quickly forgot whatever he learned in this meeting, and dropped the subject of immigration reform entirely from his agenda.

A planned visit by President Fox to California was cancelled when Schwarzenegger snubbed Fox by arranging to leave on a trip to Japan during the Mexican President’s 3-day visit to California. Sources in the office of the Mexican Presidency were quoted as saying that the trip was cancelled because “the appropriate political conditions do not exist” in order to open a dialogue with Gov. Schwarzenegger. The Mexican President was reported to be disheartened by the lack of interest shown by Schwarzenegger in migration and California-Mexico trade issues, and Fox wisely decided to concentrate on someone who is thinking about migration and trade policies, namely President Bush.

So now Bush and Fox and their subordinates are engaged in substantive talks regarding migration policy that will broadly impact on California, and Gov. Schwarzenneger has no role whatsoever in the discussion. Others, including trade unions, faith-based groups, business associations, and community-based organizations, also actively promote their views in the migration policy debate. But Schwarzenegger and his administration are a no-show in the meetings where immigration policy is discussed and formulated.

Instead of scaring a lot of people by supporting vigilantism and talking about “closing” the border, positions that are music to the ears of xenophobic and white-supremacy fringe groups, the Governor would do well to form a California Commission on Immigration Reform and get up to speed with these vitally important issues. He might then be in a position to make recommendations on behalf of California that the White House and Congress may take seriously. The Governor could, for example --

• Support a major decrease in the 3.5 million backlog of visa applications that leave about one million migrants in undocumented status in California. Promptly and efficiently legalizing those in the decade-long “pipeline” who are eligible for visas under existing laws would add millions of dollars to the taxes California collects, reduce the exploitation of these workers, allow them to drive legally instead of without licenses or insurance, and integrate them into the social and economic fabric of the State.

• Recommend major improvements in the labor certification process under which certain immigrants are granted visas based upon job offers that U.S. workers are unwilling to fill. Today in California a willing employer with a job opening who petitions for an immigrant to fill the position must often wait for several years for the visa to be approved. By the time the position is filled, the several-year old “certification” that no U.S. workers were available to fill the job is useless. While the processing of these applications is delayed, many employers illegally hire the foreign workers they are trying to obtain visas for. California could and should be formulating recommendations to fix a labor certification process everyone agrees is broken.

• Endorse stiffer enforcement of employer sanctions laws meant to deter the hiring of undocumented workers. Enforcement of such laws in California is virtually non-existent and thousands of California employers skirt labor laws, health and safety laws, and wage and hour laws by hiring exploitable undocumented workers. In addition to making proposals at the federal level, the Governor could reduce the incentive to hire undocumented workers in California by increasing penalties imposed on employers who violate state labor laws when the victims are undocumented workers.

• As an immigrant who has succeeded in this country, the Governor could also be a forceful voice in the debate over whether to legalize some portion of the undocumented population living in California not currently eligible for visas. Most economists agree that California would be far better off if immigrants who have been living here for many years, have been productive members of their communities, and have no criminal records, could transition from undocumented to documented status. With increased salaries, increased buying power, and increased tax payments, the benefit to California of the economic integration of migrants is likely in the hundreds of millions of dollars.

At the same time as he has disqualified himself from any meaningful role in the immigration policy debate, Gov. Schwarzenneger has also disqualified himself from playing any major role in improving California-Mexico relations. Since 1999, California's largest export market is Mexico. This trade involves about $16 billion worth of goods a year, roughly 17 percent of all California exports. It is estimated that for every $1 billion of California exports to Mexico, 14,000 to 16,000 higher paying jobs are created in California. The health of California’s economy therefore depends not only on the hard work of its migrant population, but also its relations with Mexico.

Gov. Schwarzenneger’s recent controversial remarks on the border and vigilantes have outraged the Mexican public and political leaders. The Mexican government is rightfully concerned that vigilantes pose a significant danger of violent confrontations with migrants crossing the border. It has raised this issue directly with President Bush who has publicly agreed that vigilantism along the border is not desirable from the standpoint of either the national security or border protection. If Schwarzenegger’s anti-immigrant rhetoric results in California exports to Mexico dropping by just one percent, that’s about one billion dollars more the Governor will have to cut from teacher’s and firemen’s pensions, or from the education budget.

In the final analysis, Gov. Schwarzenneger appears to be following the “wedge” politics of former Gov. Pete Wilson. When your popularity goes down and your poll numbers go South, its time to select a vulnerable population, probably non-white, with little political representation, and scapegoat it. Wilson jumped on the anti-immigrant Proposition 187 wagon and rode it to reelection. However, he will always be remembered as the Governor who endorsed throwing thousands of children out of the public schools solely because of their parent’s immigration status in order to win reelection. The anti-immigrant initiative he endorsed to save his political career was soon thereafter declared unconstitutional by the federal courts.

While leaders of the vigilantes call Gov. Schwarzenneger’s comments “gratifying” and extol his vision on their fear-mongering web sites, leaders of the Mexican American community call the governor's comments "shameful" and "nothing short of base racism." Art Torres, chairman of the California Democratic Party, said, "He's become an Austrian Minuteman now." The governor’s impromptu foray into the immigration question has predictably ignited a divisive debate driven by emotions and fear, rather than sound policy analysis.

Mark Twain once said that to a man with a hammer, everything starts to look like a nail. Gov. Schwarzenegger needs to understand that migration strategies involve complex public policy decisions and California’s interests are not served by a sledgehammer approach to these issues. While it is unclear whether Schwarzenegger can ever regain sufficient credibility to play any meaningful role in the immigration policy debate, he would serve California well by either keeping his uninformed opinions to himself and pretending California has no borders and no immigrants, or, better yet, by educating himself on the subject and, with advice from migration experts and input from the immigrant communities he professes to care about, begin a process of formulating proposals that would benefit the state he governs.

*Peter Schey is the President and Executive Director of the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law. He has represented hundreds of thousands of migrants in class action cases involving their legal rights and assisted in the drafting of federal and state legislation addressing migration policy issues for over 20 years. He may be contacted at pschey@centerforhumanrights.org

--------

Is That Chipotle in My Sushi? - U.S. Immigration Laws Spoil the Flavor of Dining Out

Guest Column By Nathan A. Waxman

It’s hard to feel nostalgic about the days when eating out in Manhattan meant choosing from pastrami, cheeseburger, or two slices of pizza. Today we, and our friends on the mainland of the US, can partake of a veritable cornucopia of world cuisines, authentic or naturalized to New World tastes, ranging from Uzbek shashlik to a multitude of Chinese regional cuisines through Colombian – or, if you prefer, Venezuelan – arepas, all the way to the newly discovered “authentic” gourmet Sicilian cuisine.

The efflorescence of exotic cuisine choices in this country was fueled by the entrepreneurship of recent immigrants from Bogotá to Bangkok, Jaipur to Jogjakarta, who brightened up the American landscape with stores and restaurants purveying the foods and goods of their homelands. These restaurants flourished by employing the labor certification/immigrant visa process to secure the employment of qualified chefs from the old country. This mechanism assured the immigration and continuing services of innumerable “specialty chefs,” thereby allowing the expansion of restaurant cuisine offerings, even in middle-American shopping center and strip malls.

But, somehow, these days, the pad thai has lost its punch, the sopa de pescados its savor. Que pasa? Have we become jaded? Or have the quality and authenticity of our favorite foreign fares deteriorated, even as the availability of exotic ingredients and chefs has increased?

My informal and anecdotal survey of local eateries confirmed my suspicion that the immigration laws, not the American palate, are behind this sad retreat. What has changed since the early ‘90s that could contribute to this unfortunate turn of events? While employer sanctions have been in place since the late 1980s, and labor certification has for years taken at least as long as a moderately decent vintage, the big ticket item in discouraging and precluding the sponsorship of foreign chefs has been the “unlawful presence” bar of Section 212(a)(9) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, which, since its implementation in the late ‘90s, has prohibited the grant of permanent residence, with limited exception, to those who have accrued over six months of unauthorized stay in the U.S.

As a result, Ethiopian restaurants, in New York at least, have hired work-authorized Salvadoran kitchen help, who encounter difficulty distinguishing injera from tortilla. A neighborhood Burmese (Myanmar) restaurant was forced to rely on a Bangladeshi chef whose uncle had once visited Rangoon (now Yangon). We’re all for fusion – and our friends in L.A. couldn’t survive a day without a soy-chipotle burrito – but on occasion we purists savor the flavor of authentically prepared national cuisines.

And things are getting worse. … Until recently, many chefs had been able to avoid the draconian impact of the unlawful presence bar to residence by availing themselves of Section 245(i), a temporary provision to the immigration laws that was first implemented in 1994, enabling otherwise qualified immigrants who had violated status to obtain residence in the U.S. through adjustment of status.

Whether intentionally or not, Congress had exempted from the adverse impact of Section 212(a)(9) those individuals who had managed to obtain permanent residence through adjustment of status in the United States, albeit after accruing periods of status violation, by allowing them to pay a penalty fee. Unfortunately, the last extension of the mechanism by which prospective immigrants who have accrued status violations greater than 6 months could obtain residency in the U.S. sunset on April 30, 2001, thereby resulting in today’s situation. With limited exceptions, restaurants today cannot sponsor incumbent employees through the labor certification/immigrant visa process with any assurance that their employees will obtain permanent residence because of the virtually total bar represented by Section 212(a)(9).

A simple congressional fix would be a permanent extension of Section 245(i), thereby enabling restaurants and other businesses to secure permanent residence through labor certification and thereby the continuing or future employment of qualified personnel. Although Beltway insiders frequent the capitol city’s abundant Ethiopian eateries and may employ domestic help of varied degrees of employment eligibility, there appears to be considerable resistance to such an extension in the near term.

One possible alternative for restaurants seeking qualified personnel knowledgeable in their respective cuisines will be utilization of the recently implemented PERM mechanism to obtain a relatively fast labor certification, coupled with the promised implementation of premium processing for I-140 petitions. Restaurants may be able to recruit capable cooking personnel in the home country and bring them over before the next vintage is uncorked. However, restaurants specializing in fiery (Inner) Mongolian hotpots or Delhi’s tasty tandoori dishes may have to wait ‘til after the cows come home, due to retrogression in India and China immigrant visa availability.

Members of Congress should put their votes where their mouths are. They love spicy succulent cuisines as much as we do. Section 245(i) should be extended and realistic waiver mechanisms should be provided for Section 212(a)(9). Otherwise, it’s back to hamburgers and chop suey for dinner tonight.

* * *

NATHAN A. WAXMAN specializes in business and professional immigration in New York City. He was awarded a B.A. in Philosophy from New York University, an M.A. in Philosophy from the University of Chicago, a J.D. cum laude from Loyola University of Chicago, and undertook doctoral studies in Philosophy at the University of Chicago, and in Oriental Languages at the University of Pennsylvania. He has been a member of AILA since 1985 and writes and lectures extensively on business and academic immigration topics.

Website Address: www.waxlaw.com 404 Park Avenue South, Suite 1600, New York, NY 10016. Tel: (212) 213-2024 Fax: (212) 689-3315