The 2012 Nation of Immigrators Awards - The IMMIs

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As we count out the final hours of 2012, let's recall the highs and lows of the past year in America's dysfunctional immigration ecosphere.

Nation of Immigrators is pleased to confer its third annual IMMI Awards. (Full disclosure: As in past years, these are my personal choices. If you disagree or believe I've missed an obvious awardee, feel free to comment below or post it on Twitter with the hashtag "#2012IMMIS," and be sure to check out our previous awardees here: 2010 IMMIs2011 IMMIs).

 

 

The 2012 IMMI Awardees

 

Immigration Word of the Year. This year's word could well have been "omnishambles" -- "a thoroughly mismanaged situation notable for a chain of errors" -- chosen by Oxford University Press, yet aptly suited to our perversely American form of immigration regulation. British novelist, Ian McEwan, in his new book, Sweet Tooth, while explaining the problems of England's intelligence agencies in the 1970s, could well have been describing the federal and state authorities that administer and enforce America's omnishambled immigration laws when he observed:

Too many agencies, too many bureaucracies defending their corners, too many points of demarcation, insufficient centralized control.  

Instead, the IMMI goes to "self-deportation" (Mitt Romney's proposed solution to illegal immigration), a hyphenated word that (even someone as intemperate as Donald Trump recognized) contributed mightily to his self-immolation as GOP candidate for President:

[Romney] had a crazy policy of self deportation which was maniacal. . . . It sounded as bad as it was, and he lost all of the Latino vote . . . He lost the Asian vote. He lost everybody who is inspired to come into this country.

Belated Gumption.  For modest courage expressed ever so slowly, the award goes to President Obama for his authorization through the Homeland Security Department of relief for a slice of the DREAMer population with the implementation of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. With exit-polls showing that 57% of Americans approve of DACA, imagine how many more DACA applications could have been approved and lives restored had the President used his long established executive authority to exercise prosecutorial discretion when the concept of deferred action was proposed early in his first term. Consider also how DACA might have benefited even more minors brought or required to remain here illegally, such as DREAMer extraordinaire Jose Antonio Vargas (who, at 31.5 years old when the program rules were set up, was six months too old to receive DACA relief), had the program applied to all minors and not set stingy bright-line rules that kowtowed unduly to past DREAM Act proposals in Congress.  

Hit the Road Jack/Home-Wrecker. President Obama reprises his role as "Deporter in Chief" and, as in past years, wins another IMMI.  With over 400,000 deportations in 2012 -- an all-time high -- the President also receives the Home-Wrecker IMMI. According to recently released federal data, between July 1, 2010 and September 31, 2012, almost 205,000 deportation orders were issued for parents with U.S. citizen children, thereby destroying the lives of even more American kids.  With the recent announcement that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) will stop asking local police to turn over to ICE immigrants arrested as petty offenders, perhaps fewer deportations will result next year -- especially if Congress legislates a path to legal status and citizenship for the undocumented.  Recent statistics from the Immigration Courts, showing case closures resulting in deportation orders or grants of voluntary departure down to 56.3% from 70.2% two years ago, also support a prediction (fingers crossed) that the President will not receive another IMMI in this category.

Ignorable, Ignoble Person. The IMMI goes to nativist Tom Tancredo, former Colorado representative and gubernatorial candidate, who urged Republicans after November's election not to let strict immigration laws become the scapegoat for their loss at the polls ("while scapegoating the immigration issue was to be expected from the Republican establishment following the Romney defeat, it is sad and disappointing to see a few conservatives stampeded into endorsing suicidal proposals").  Tancredo nudged out Kris Kobach for this year's IMMI because he also mocked Sen. Michael Bennet for his leading role in developing the Colorado Compact, a balanced approach to comprehensive immigration reform.

Not Especially Nimble. While the primary immigration benefits agency, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), has continued its laudable efforts in 2012 to improve transparency, public engagement and responsiveness (especially on humanitarian concerns, such as relief for foreign citizens adversely affected by Hurricane Sandy), the IMMI for lack of speed and agility on business immigration concerns nonetheless must go to this beleaguered agency. USCIS still has not released its promised rule on employment authorization for spouses of certain H-1B workers, or met its year-end deadline on stateside provisional waivers for immediate relatives of U.S. citizens, and has not issued clarifying guidance on L-1B specialized-knowledge requirements promised last January.  Other longstanding problems remain, including the lack of meaningful impact from its Entrepreneurs-in-Residence program (beyond a nifty website with comforting assurances), the persistence of an anti-entrepreneur animus at the Regional Service Centers, the need to put out for re-bid the agency's contract on its Transformation program for the online submission of immigration forms, and the issuance of a "guidance memorandum" offering seemingly helpful but still befuddling instructions on the EB-5 investor issue of "tenant occupancy" that USCIS first raised officially last February.

Constitutional Illiteracy.  The IMMI for misinterpreting the Bill of Rights goes to the 97,062+ yokels who in a petition to the White House have lambasted CNN host Piers Morgan and urged this Brit's deportation for his post-Newtown critique of America's woeful failure to regulate firearms. No one explained their illiteracy better than Pilar Marrero, author of Killing The American Dream: How anti immigration extremists are destroying the nation, who posted this on Facebook:

So people want to deport Piers Morgan because he aired anti gun views and he´s an "alien", supposedly from out of space. 2 things to remember: before the Second, there is a First amendment. And this country was built by foreigners with weird accents who were always looked at with suspicion by the previous foreigners with weird accents who came first. The only welcoming ones [were] the natives. Unfortunately for them.

Hopeful Baby Steps.  The IMMI goes to U.S. Customs and Border Protection for two recent actions.  CBP reported that it would no longer allow its agents to serve as interpreters for non-English speakers in interrogations by other law enforcement agencies.  It also announced that it would undertake a review of current agency practices in the use of force by its border agents.

No Stale Wine before its Time. This IMMI goes to the government agency which best proves the maxim "justice delayed is justice denied":  The Labor Department's Office of Foreign Labor Certification dramatically lagged from prior periods in the pace of labor certifications. Overall permanent labor certifications decreased by 15.67% between FY10 and FY11. Although the Information sector and Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services sector experienced increases, most other sectors witnessed large decreases in certifications in FY11: Educational Services (46.67%), Health Care and Social Assistance (34.23%), Retail Trade (33.19%), Wholesale Trade (21.77%), Accommodations and Food Services (60.31%), Construction (65.43%), Transportation and Warehousing (39.90%), and Arts, Entertainment, and Recreation (43.01%).

Worst Immigration Law. Although a colleague, Nolan Rappaport, has nominated the Registry provision of the Immigration and Nationality Act for the IMMI, the award goes to another nominee. Registry allows an individual who has been physically present in the U.S. for a prescribed number of years to be granted a green card despite unlawful status.  Nolan notes:

The eligibility date hasn't been updated since the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 advanced it to January 1, 1972. That was more than a quarter of a century ago. It's shameful that such a useful humanitarian provision has not been updated in so many years. With the present date, the residence period has to be more than 40 years. When it was enacted in 1929, it required entry prior to June 3, 1921, which was a residence period of only 8 years.

However shameful the failure to update the waiting period for registry is, even worse is the 1996 law that created mandatory detention of immigrants without benefit of appointed counsel, as Prof. Mark Noferi of Brooklyn Law School persuasively demonstrates.

Lost in the Wilderness. The Republican party, still stinging from its election defeat and overwhelming rejection by the fast-growing Latino and Asian cohorts of the American electorate, wins the "Dr. Livingstone, I presume" IMMI. Persisting in their special brand of akrasia (weakness of will; acting in a way contrary to one's sincerely held moral values).  Despite proclamations that they will cooperate in enacting comprehensive immigration reforms, Republicans have yet to formulate a welcoming agenda on immigration and apparently can't yet fathom that immigration reform would be both good economics and good politics.  Their new leader of the House Immigration Subcommittee, Rep. Trey Gowdy, is an unabashed opponent of immigration.  Even the anti-immigration hawk, Mark Krikorian, Executive Director of the Center for Immigration Studies, knows that Gowdy's appointment bodes ill for comprehensive immigration reform, because it "suggests . . . that the House Republicans aren't going to allow themselves to be stampeded by this amnesty panic because Gowdy is pretty hawkish on immigration . . ."

Taxing Non-Solutions.  The IMMI for non-starter immigration-reform proposal goes jointly to Prof. Giovanni Peri, Alex Nowrasteh of the Cato Institute, and Microsoft. While each of these awardees is a respected and thoughtful contributor to the immigration-reform debate, each offers a variation of a proposal to impose a tax as the visa-entry fee to America. As I've noted elsewhere, taxing the right to enter the country smacks too much of "18th Century slave auctions."  There are many better ways to regulate immigration than to tax it and thereby prod our trading partners and global competitors to tax American entrepreneurs in foreign lands.

A Supreme Demonstration of Supremacy. The IMMI goes to the U.S. Supreme Court majority that vanquished virtually all of Arizona's nativist law, SB 1070.  Holding that the states must kneel to federal supremacy over immigration, the Court struck down all but one of the Arizona law's provisions, and left it to the lower courts to determine whether in practice the surviving section can pass constitutional muster.

Head in the Derriere.  This year's IMMI goes to those feckless employers throughout America who fail to recognize that -- no matter what happens on comprehensive immigration reform -- the Feds are coming to check your business's immigration papers.  Immigration audits were at their highest in history this past year.  That trend will only continue to rise.  Be forewarned and take some crumb-y advice.

* * *

Well, thats a wrap for our 2012 IMMI awardees.  The next 12 months will no doubt produce another bumper crop of candidates for the IMMI.

Meantime, as we close out the year, this blogger reverently contemplates a prayer penned by Rev. Robert L. DeMoss II of Christchurch in Montgomery, Alabama.  Although he offers it on behalf of consular officers, I would broaden the reach of his divinely-directed plea to extend blessings to all of our nation's immigration officials:

Almighty God, May Your love fill our souls, that we might be vessels of peace and grace to bring to this hurting and anxious world. Bless especially our Foreign Service officers, who endeavor to safeguard our freedom and welcome the stranger, as the voice ...and face of America. Guide them with Your wisdom and discernment, give them grace under pressure, and fill them with the radiance of compassion and understanding, all for Your love's sake. Protect, bless, and be with them now and throughout the New Year ahead, as they continue to serve our country with a valiant heart, a keen mind, and a noble spirit. Amen.

The Democrats' Immigration Position: Better But Blemished

The Democratic Convention in Charlotte ended last week. The media has now turned to measuring and marveling at President Obama's post-convention bounce despite weak Labor Department data revealing persistent joblessness.

The inevitable comparisons of the two parties' convention performances give the edge to the Democrats' oratory, production values, crowd enthusiasm and diversity.  On immigration policy, the Dems offered more substantive messaging, while the GOP stressed photogenic speakers with ancestral memories of arrivals long ago

An historic moment occurred with a convention address in Charlotte by an undocumented immigrant, Benita Veliz, class valedictorian and DREAMer extraordinaire, whose brief remarks Dan Stein of the anti-immigration hate group, FAIR, predictably assailed as “nothing more than a celebration of lawlessness.”

Commentators contrasted Republican Marco Rubio and Democrat Julian Castro (“To Mr. Rubio, Hispanics are refugees from foreign oppression, who want government to let them alone. . . . In contrast, . . . Mr. Castro . . . sees government as an essential enabler of ethnic assimilation and success”). And insiders, perhaps unwittingly, assured full employment for dentists by their vigorous teeth-gnashing over the irreconcilable differences between the parties on immigration policy. The only item of apparent common ground is the issuance of quick green cards for STEM graduates. (See Immigration Impact's platform analysis here, and AILA's take on the same topic here [AILA InfoNet Doc. No. 12090541, membership required].)

Given the parties' chasmic differences, is comprehensive immigration reform (CIR) still a bridge to nowhere?  Perhaps not. A convention segment last week on POTUS (Politics of the United States), the satellite radio station, entitled "Hispanic Voices," offered a plausible route to CIR:  

  • Latino voters turn out in large numbers; 
  • Obama is reelected, but one Congressional chamber remains under GOP control; 
  • Some Republicans -- at last seeing a desolate future because the demographic tide has washed away so much of their base -- want the contentious issue of immigration behind them; 
  • Obama offers the GOP a choice of legislative compromise or more executive orders on immigration that whittle down the undocumented population by creating administrative avenues for relief; 
  • This time a deal is struck.

Central to the success of this prediction is heavy Latino turnout, something to be swallowed with a sizable chunk of salt. Many of his supporters are still smarting from the broken campaign promise to address CIR in his first year as President, as well as his Guinness-record reputation as Deporter-in-Chief. Others perhaps view jobs and the economy as more important than immigration. Still others fear that Obama may cave on CIR as he reportedly did in 2007 when casting an "Aye" vote on a killer amendment to limit the guest-worker program to five years, a move that derailed the Kennedy-Kyl CIR compromise, or question Democratic resolve to pursue immigration reforms that fundamentally help people or merely curry favor and votes.

Even if Latinos flock to the polls, and the "Hispanic-Voices" scenario begins to materialize, CIR will be no cakewalk.  

Democratic versions of CIR have favored more exacting worker protections in the H-1B and L-1 categories and more frequent audits of employers than the business community may be willing to tolerate. The allocation of visa quotas for H-1B jobs and family-versus-business green cards -- with family unity getting the lion's share over employment-based slots -- may create fissures in the CIR coalition.  There remains contention over the Draconian 1996 smack-downs of due-process protections for immigrants, a bone of T-Rex proportions in an era where even the protection of abused immigrant women is the sticking point in the current fight over renewing the Violence Against Women Act. And almost no one is talking about sweeping changes that would make the system more user-friendly, rational and simple -- a task that would require a kind of robust country-first statesmanship that, alas, has been AWOL for many years.

Maybe the parties can start building compromises on the business-immigration side, with solid assurances that other key elements of CIR will get their due as negotiations succeed on the low-hanging fruit; or maybe not.  

Until November's outcome reshakes the political Etch-A-Sketch, the future foretells more DREAMers like Benita Veliz stirring our hearts with DACA-spawned inspiration while immigration opponents remain intransigent and hateful like the GOP's Steve King of Iowa who still claims to have complimented immigrants by comparing them to dogs.

Faint Immigration Praise

“Damn with faint praise, assent with civil leer And, without sneering, teach the rest to sneer" ~ Alexander Pope, poet, satirist, and translator, “Epistle to Dr Arbuthnot

clock face time 3.jpgI hesitate to criticize the Obama Administration's immigration reform measures, having urged long ago that half a loaf, at least for now, will perforce suffice

Hastily announced but untimely in manifestation, the slew of executive half-measures the President's team has lately proposed to improve the functioning of America's broken immigration system seem reminiscent more of vaporware than tangible solutions. 

With less than a year to go on his term, executive orders and departmental or agency press releases are spewing forth as if from a Gatling gun

Will these concepts really make a difference?  Or are they merely pheromones to attract progressive, young or Hispanic voters in November?

Consider how much has been said but so little done:

  • Prosecutorial Discretion is announced as a measure to spare low-level immigration violators and slam dangerous foreign felons.  So far the record deportations continue almost unabated and the few granted PD are permitted to remain at the pleasure of the President but without deferred action and its benefit of work permission.
  • Stateside waiver processing for immediate relatives of U.S. citizens whose hardship can be proven as extreme is revealed in a seemingly humanitarian Notice of Intent and an FAQ.  But no rules or procedures have yet been published, and the risk of death-by-visa-waiting remains as high as ever.
  • An interdepartmental push to improve visa processing and promote tourism is inscribed in an Executive Order, with special focus on increased consular officers in Brazil and China.  Still, nothing is said about tourists and business visitors from India whose rupees are as easily converted to dollars and spent in our malls.  Worse yet, no reforms are made by the State Department that would moderate consular absolutism and encourage visa officers -- by amendment of the Foreign Affairs Manual -- to extend a welcome mat more often to foreign visitors with lucre to spend.
  • A DHS grab bag of small measures are announced with the goal "to retain highly skilled workers." These ethereal proposals will likely affect only a tiny slice of the job-creating nonimmigrant population. The list of unrealized hopes includes a nebulous assemblage of H-4 dependents married to H-1B workers "who have begun the process of seeking lawful permanent resident status through employment after meeting a minimum period of H-1B status in the U.S."  It also makes note of the leisurely first convening on February 22 of an "Information Summit [at an undisclosed location] in Silicon Valley, CA [where is that? I can't find the city on my California map], that will bring together high-level representatives from the entrepreneurial community, academia, and federal government agencies [first announced on August 2 of last year as step one of the Entrepreneurs in Residence program] to discuss how to maximize current immigration laws' potential to attract foreign entrepreneurial talent."

Desultory blather and high-falutin' promises will not jumpstart job creation. Deeds not words -- published forms, specific eligibility criteria and actual procedures to request new benefits -- are what real administrative reforms require.   

biohazard time.jpgThere are many bold steps that could be taken to improve our dysfunctional system even while Congress remains comatose.  Gary Endelman and Cyrus Mehta suggest a Presidential tweak in the interpretation of green-card counting procedures that would eliminate backlogs and do far more than merely granting spousal work permission "to retain highly skilled workers" ("Why We Can’t Wait: How President Obama Can Erase Immigrant Visa Backlogs with the Stroke of A Pen").  Other proposals have been offered in this blog ("Executive Craftsmanship: Job Creation through Existing Immigration Laws," "The Immigration Appeaser-in-Chief Should Try Some New Ammunition" and "Immigration Reform with the Stroke of a Pen").

When it comes to executive action on immigration, the nation needs a profile in courage not a silhouette of timidity.  The first Tuesday in November is fast approaching.  Time waits for no President.

Immigration's Defining Moment -- Do You Know Employment When You See it?

help wanted 2.jpgWith all the political hoo-ha about the need to prevent rascally businesses from employing unauthorized workers intentionally, the public ought not be faulted for assuming that the concept of "employment" under immigration law is clearly defined.  Sad to say, but the assumers give life to the maxim that when we consider facts not in evidence we make a derrière out of one another. I'm not suggesting that there is no definition of “employment”. Rather, the given definition -- despite the incorporation of a glossary of interwoven and related terms -- fails to offer enough nuance or clarity. 

[Stink alert!  We are about to venture into malodorous legalese. Hold your nose.  The journey will be worth it.] 

The relevant regulation, found at 8 CFR § Sec. 274a.1 (Definitions), provides:

(c) The term hire means the actual commencement of employment of an employee for wages or other remuneration . . . 

(f) The term employee means an individual who provides services or labor for an employer for wages or other remuneration but does not mean independent contractors . . . 

(g) The term employer means a person or entity . . .who engages the services or labor of an employee to be performed in the United States for wages or other remuneration. In the case of an independent contractor or contract labor or services, the term employer shall mean the independent contractor or contractor and not the person or entity using the contract labor . . . 

(h) The term employment means any service or labor performed by an employee for an employer within the United States . . . 

(j) The term independent contractor includes individuals or entities who carry on independent business, contract to do a piece of work according to their own means and methods, and are subject to control only as to results. Whether an individual or entity is an independent contractor, regardless of what the individual or entity calls itself, will be determined on a case-by-case basis. Factors to be considered in that determination include, but are not limited to, whether the individual or entity: supplies the tools or materials; makes services available to the general public; works for a number of clients at the same time; has an opportunity for profit or loss as a result of labor or services provided; invests in the facilities for work; directs the order or sequence in which the work is to be done and determines the hours during which the work is to be done. . . (Bolding added.) 

These definitions raise more questions than they answer. In the hypotheticals below, assuming that the individual in question has no legal right to engage in the specific actions noted, is the particular action prohibited "employment"?: 

1.      Self-employment?

  • Is a busker in a New York subway who does not solicit but accepts voluntary donations from passersby employed?
  • Does it matter if the busker puts his hat, upside down in front of him, in case anyone wants to make a voluntary offering?
  • Would an independent photographer, artist, architect or writer who produces a finished work for personal enjoyment be engaged in employment?
  • What if the individual later decides to sell the work in the U.S. -- does the sale cause the individual to have engaged in employment?
  • What about a professional knife-thrower's human target -- is (s)he employed when standing still as the knife approaches?
  • What about an usher in the theatre who escorts patrons to their seats and is thus  allowed to view the performance for free?
  • Does it matter if the show is such a flop that the producers routinely give away free tickets?
  • Are the legions of voluntary interns who receive valuable experience and college credit but no monetary payment employed?

2.      The sale or rental of an asset?

  • Is a female employed if she sells one of her eggs in the U.S.?
  • How about a male who is paid for his sperm at a Los Angeles clinic -- is he employed?
  • If the female was born abroad possessing the usual full complement of eggs, is her acquiescence for a fee in the removal of one or more eggs an act of employment?
  • What about a male in the U.S. for several years, whose semen was presumably created while he lived here, engaging in employment when he is paid by the sperm bank?
  • Does it matter if the sperm bank offers him a cup, directs him to fill it, leaves a copy of Playboy in the private donation room and pays him an honorarium -- is this employment?

3.      U.S.-based "virtual" efforts (with servers located abroad and work saved "in the cloud")? 

  • What about a Silicon Valley blogger who accepts paid advertising -- employment, yes or no?
  • What about a math genius living in Connecticut who accepts a prize to solve a puzzling theorem with his laptop -- employment?

4.      The active management of an investment in the U.S.?

  • How about the owner/manager of a motel -- employed?
  • How about the owner of an optometry shop who gives eye exams and engages American optometrists to work with her -- employed?

5.      The present exchange of promises assuring action in the future?

  • What about the exchange of  mutual promises - is it employment today if an employer promises to hire a worker and the worker agrees to render services for wages, with the work to begin next week?
  • What if one of the parties reneges -- is it still employment as of the time when the promises were made?

6.      The operation of a U.S. business that creates jobs for Americans?  

  • What about a full-time student who invents the next Facebook-type free app in his Harvard dorm room and hires software developers, knowing that some day an IPO will make him a billionaire -- is the present intention to profit in the future enough to constitute employment?
  • What if other students, say, two twin brothers, gave the student inventor the idea for the app -- are they employed if they sue and recover damages or settlement proceeds for their idea -- is the payment for the idea employment?
  • What if the free app requires users to agree to Terms of Service that make any valuable user-produced data, photos or designs the property of the student app inventor -- does the retention of ownership rights constitute "other remuneration"?

7.      The payment for or receipt of valuable benefits?

  • Which of the foregoing individuals or entities that make payment of money "employers" in the United States?
  • Which of them must complete a Form I-9 (Employment Eligibility Verification) when they "hire" any of the foregoing "employee[s]" in the U.S.?
  • Which of them are committing  felonies for "harboring" an unauthorized worker (since the harboring statute includes employment as a prohibited act)?
  • Which of the foregoing recipients of the noted benefits have failed to maintain lawful immigration status and therefore are ineligible for prosecutorial discretion and deferred action or are removable (deportable)?
  • Which of these recipients of benefits are thereby ineligible to receive a green card through the adjustment of status process?
  • Are any of the reasons for adjustment ineligibility "technical" in nature or not the "fault" of the individual (no-fault and technical reasons are forgiveness provisions that allow the grant of a green card even if the person is otherwise ineligible)? 

My point is not to model a law school class by using the Socratic method and reductio ad absurdem arguments.  Instead, it is to illustrate that the immigration regulations in their present form do not offer the guidance needed to cover many everyday (and some unusual) situations. 

With so much riding on the correct interpretation, the government must take a hard look at the current, clearly inadequate regulations, and issue proposed rules that allow the public to comment on new, more transparent guidance.  In the absence of new regulations, the immigration agencies -- U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement -- should follow the lead of IRS and offer a voluntary settlement program to businesses and individuals who seek to come back to the sunny side of the immigration law. 

Immigration Promises Made, Debts Unpaid

Man looking over wall.jpgAre we a trustworthy nation?  The world waits to see if the American government becomes a deadbeat on August 2, when the debt ceiling is hit.  Will the country break faith with its creditors?  Will it stiff Social Security recipients, the ill and disabled, fallen warriors and others whose lives or fortunes depend on Uncle Sam's unflagging reliability.

The New York Times reported recently on a set of already broken American oaths. Many would-be "Special Immigrants" in Iraq who've worked for the U.S., are stranded there, facing death threats, living in stairwells, checking for car bombs underneath their vehicles, losing hope that their oft-promised yet long-delayed U.S. visas will ever arrive -- green cards that Congress ordered to be fast-tracked -- all the time chastising themselves for their gullible belief in America's words.

A letter writer commenting on the Times story bewailed our "exceptional[ly]" roguish behavior: 

What have we become? Our word means nothing now. We break our word to Iraqi friends who helped us. Do we think that those whom we’ve left dangling in the wind will remain our friends? We want to break our word on debts we’ve already accrued.

Do we think that our creditors will continue to invest in us because we are “exceptional”? . . . I despair for a country that I see becoming . . . more removed from what I once thought were our high moral standards. And a country that does not keep its word.

As these despondent Iraqis have come to realize, institutional word-breaking is endemic within the U.S. immigration ecosystem. One small example tells a tale.

Consider the H-1B visa available to nonimmigrant workers in "specialty occupations" who possess at least a university sheepskin or its equivalent in the workaday world.  For those who prefer their learning via chart rather than text, click here; otherwise, read the following indented paragraphs:

This visa started life in 1952 as the H-1 for employees of "distinguished merit and ability" -- a term later interpreted to refer to degreed or degree-equivalent "professionals." In 1990, however, Congress rebranded the visa the H-1B and added an array of worker protections to be enforced by the Department of Labor (DOL), including a requirement that foreign citizens in H-1B status receive at least the going rate (the "prevailing wage") in the local area. The process was designed to be speedy.  It would be "attestation-driven" with penalties applied only later if DOL were to investigate a complaint and find that an employer had violated the worker-protection duties of the law.  The employer's attestation, in the form of promises that must be kept, is made under oath on a form known as a "Labor Condition Application," or LCA. 

The DOL is obliged to "certify" an LCA unless it is "incomplete" or "obviously inaccurate."  The employer then submits the certified LCA to an agency of Homeland Security, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), together with a work-visa petition. USCIS then determines if the job and the worker qualify as "specialty occupations," meaning that the job requires and the individual possesses that combination of theoretical and practical knowledge typically gained in a baccalaureate program or through equivalent work experience. Thus, the DOL protects H-1B workers, while USCIS confirms visa eligibility.  All was well with the world, or so we thought . . .

Because the prevailing wage is defined by geography (usually the wage considered prevalent in a particular metropolitan area), the DOL maintains listings of prevailing wages for locales around the country.  If an employer learns of an unforeseen business need to dispatch an H-1B worker to a worksite not listed in the LCA, the DOL requires the employer to file a new LCA and obtain DOL's certification.

USCIS's H-1B regulations, however, do not expressly require employers to submit a new or amended visa petition when the change merely involves a job relocation.  After all, there'd be no reason, in principle, why such a filing would be necessary, since the employee and the job itself would not have changed.  Both would still be the very same specialty occupations that USCIS had already screened and approved. 

To be sure, at one point in 1998, USCIS's predecessor, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), had proposed a rule that an amended petition be filed for such job changes, but never took final action.  Instead, INS twice issued policy guidance, the Hogan and Aleinikoff memos, that each confirmed there is no need to report such changes unless the change invalidated the LCA.  The problem for INS and now USCIS, however, is that the DOL regulations do not prescribe any situations which invalidate an LCA.  Under DOL rules, an LCA may only be withdrawn by the employer or allowed to expire.

The view that a "geographic move" by an H-1B worker is not a material change (presumably because such a move does not by itself invalidate the associated LCA) was then confirmed by a senior USCIS official, Efren Hernandez III, Director of the agency's Business and Trade Branch, in 2003 correspondence to the American Council for International Personnel.

Now comes the institutional word-breaking.  Recently, USCIS has begun to rule in numerous individual cases that the employer's failure to amend the H-1B petition (something only the employer can do) and secure the agency's okay for a worker's change of job location means that the H-1B worker -- merely by following her employer's instructions to appear at a new worksite -- has violated nonimmigrant status.  Failing to maintain status is no small matter.  It is a violation of law that can lead to the worker's and her family's removal from the United States and banishment for at least five years.  It can also cause the employer to be charged with continuing to employ the worker while knowing that the right to work has been terminated -- a felony  -- unless the employer immediately fires the worker. 

The bitter irony here is that by relying on the USCIS to keep its word the guileless, relocated worker (the supposed "beneficiary" of H-1B labor protections) and the trusting employer have been placed into a cauldron of hot immigration water. Also ironic is the notion that serious thought is given to "Rewarding Employers Who Play by the Rules," as the Migration Policy Institute recommends, when the agency conferring the reward has systematically failed to publish intelligible rules of play.

How could this happen?  Four plausible theories come to mind:

  1. Failure to publish a final rule.  Legacy INS and its successor, USCIS, must be greater believers in "The Secret" (visualize intention and it will manifest) than in the notice-and-comment prescripts of the Administrative Procedures Act.  Just because the agencies float an idea publicly does not make it binding law.
  2. Ignorance of DOL regulations.  When Messrs. Hogan and Aleinikoff issued policy guidance, it seems no one bothered to study the DOL regulations.  Had they done so, they would have understood that LCAs can never be "invalidated." Hence, they would not have referred to the "invalidation" of the LCA, but would have at least expressly stated in policy guidance (or better yet in a final regulation) that an H-1B worker's change in work site from one metropolitan area to another requires the filing of an amended H-1B petition.
  3. Writing a letter does not make the letter binding law. USCIS and INS know the rules of procedure and precedent.  They should not have allowed the release of informal, non-binding letters that can only serve to mislead stakeholders.
  4. USCIS's creeping mission.  As armies of USCIS Fraud Detection and National Security ("FDNS") investigators and contractors performing "site visits" have appeared at business doorsteps nationwide, some learned that the H-1B worker whose file was to be audited had moved to another job site.  To an unschooled investigator (see # 2 above), this "suspicious" conduct looks like either fraud or a technical violation of the H-1B rules (even if the employer proffers an LCA covering the new worksite). 

None of these reasons justify indifference to the unpaid debts of promises unkept.  The poet, Robert Service, whose surname is what USCIS should be all about, said: "A promise made is a debt unpaid." USCIS should heed the poet's wisdom and put "Services" rightly back into its own name by promptly paying its debts to the stranded Iraqis endangered by American loyalty and by repairing the damage it has caused to relocated H-1B workers and their employers falsely accused of violating U.S. immigration law.

Immigration Kudos to ICE and USCIS -- Now All of Us Must Get to Work

Credibility is the cornerstone of reputation.  That's why, despite the shock and awe that regular readers of NationOfImmigrators.com may experience, this blogger (who sees immigration dysfunction virtually everywhere, especially under the Obama Administration) now heartily applauds recent actions of two immigration agencies within the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) -- ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) and USCIS (U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services). 

Turning away the mob.jpgAs suggested below and in a Bender's Immigration Bulletin Podcast I recorded on June 18 at the 2011 American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA) annual conference in San Diego, Directors, Alejandro Mayorkas of USCIS and John Morton of ICE, as well as the President and DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano, must be commended for taking significant steps to improve the administration of immigration justice (and along the way help the economy).

Mr. Mayorkas, to a far greater degree than any USCIS Director or legacy INS Commissioner in the last 30 years, expresses sincere respect for the rule of law.  He understands and requires compliance with the obligation of his agency's personnel to apply statutory immigration law in good faith as written and adhere to precedent decisions and national policies.   Mr. Mayorkas has brought the dispassion and intelligence of a lawyers' lawyer to USCIS, making changes based on reason and law, without favoring any person or interest, and committing to a policy of justice and equality of treatment and access.  (For any who may doubt or challenge my assertion, check out two sessions of the AILA conference in which Mr. Mayorkas offered his views [CD Nos. 17 & 86, purchase required]. If you think I routinely gush over the statements of USCIS officials at AILA conferences, disabuse yourself by checking out this prior rant.])

Mr. Morton -- despite a vote of no confidence by the ICE labor union -- has chosen to exercise leadership.  He has released two significant policy memos encouraging his officers to exercise  prosecutorial discretion, based on a 19-factor analysis, in favor of low-priority immigration violators and victims and witnesses of crime, and against perpetrators of violence and other serious felonies.

Most immigrants' rights groups chastised Mr. Morton, however, for not having gone far enough.  They attack ICE for not surrendering on the star-crossed program known as Secure Communities that has ensnared and deported far more petty immigration violators than hardened criminals. 

On the other hand, the nonpartisan Immigration Policy Center and AILA, the national immigration bar association, have lauded the new prosecutorial-discretion (PD) memos as positive moves.  They argue persuasively that in the absence of comprehensive immigration reforms which would align America's broken and wobbly immigration system with our national interests, and in an era of limited resources, the memos reflect a leadership decision to apply "smart enforcement" policies.  Smart enforcement, as the memos articulate, ensures that ICE's officers on the ground make individualized determinations of eligibility for prosecutorial discretion. 

Noncitizens whose personal circumstances, immigration history and foreseeable path to legal status cause them to rank low on the enforcement-priorities list -- the memos declare -- should be given deferred action.  Deferred action, in turn, makes them eligible for a work permit.  On the other side of the PD equation, individuals with particularly unsavory backgrounds or with rap sheets suggesting that they are dangerous to the communities should be fast-tracked on the due-process train headed for a removal hearing.  (One less understood but welcome aspect of the memos is that now an ICE attorney can set aside any Notice to Appear that he or she determines would involve an individual who is better suited for deferred action than a removal hearing, thereby freeing up precious judicial and executive resources to remove highly undesirable or dangerous noncitizens.)

Despite the deserving plaudits at the top of USCIS and ICE, it remains to be seen whether these interim, though important, initiatives will bear fruit.  Will the line officers and supervisors of each agency embrace their leaders' moves?  Or, as is perhaps more likely, will they engage in passive-aggressive behavior, palace intrigue and heel-dragging? 

Given the ICE union's condemnation of Mr. Morton and his policy memos (and their probable unwillingness to excersise conscientious compassion), as well as the resistance of some within USCIS to Mr. Mayorkas' commitment to the rule of law, the stakeholder community must apply its own leverage.  Here are a few things insiders and outsiders can and should do:

  1. What Get's Measured and Rewarded Gets Done.  ICE must take steps to collect metrics on requests for prosecutorial discretion and individual ICE officer decisions.  The agency must make sure that it receives sufficient raw data to determine whether decisions on discretion align with ICE's national enforcement priorities.  For officers who persist in repeatedly routing objectively deserving cases to the immigration courts rather than to deferred action status, appropriate warnings and discipline should ensue.  Those, however, who instead apply the PD policy within its spirit and letter should receive ICE's approbation and career promotion. 
  2. The Sunlight Brand of Disinfectant. DREAM Act supporters and others with favorable immigration equities should mount a grass-roots campaign to pressure ICE to publish meaningful data on the agency's actual exercise of prosecutorial discretion or enforcement.  To make this happen, community-based organizations (CBOs) should campaign to encourage individuals requesting prosecutorial discretion to waive personal privacy over key data fields that correspond with the worthy and adverse factors in their individual cases. If such waivers are coupled with the requesting parties' insistence that the decisions be released, then CBOs, the public and the media would know whether or not the PD policy is working. Congress can also make sure through its oversight function that reliable data is made available for all to see.
  3. USCIS Must Issue Its Own PD memos. ICE holds no monopoly on discretion.  As legacy INS Commissioner, Doris Meissner, made clear in 2000, immigration adjudicators also have power to show leniency in deserving cases.  Mr. Mayorkas should formally instruct all USCIS officials that they too will be held accountable if they waste precious resources issuing burdensome requests for evidence and notices of intention to revoke or deny petitions or applications where a wise exercise of discretion under existing USCIS regulations would otherwise fairly resolve the case.  There should be no more spitting-on-the-sidewalk rulings placing otherwise law-abiding foreign citizens "out-of-status" who seek immigration benefits. A fairly administered PD policy could create immigration miracle cures that allow USCIS to forgive minor visa missteps.
  4. You Get What You Pay For. Immigration notarios and unlicensed consultants (notwithstanding the commendable federal campaign to eradicate them) will no doubt continue to harm unrepresented immigrants by claiming that prosecutorial discretion is the new way to obtain work permission. Because there is no government form to request PD, however, the myriad immigration form-preparer outfits cannot legally represent persons seeking PD.  Only "accredited representatives" and lawyers in good standing may do so.  The business and nonprofit communities should therefore provide funding to lawyers (in compliance with ethics rules) so that well-documented and deserving PD requests with a good chance of success are submitted. Employers and labor unions who have tussled of late over the Obama Administration's "silent raid" policy should instead cooperate and identify/assist loyal and deserving workers with legal-fee-subsidized PD requests. 
  5. Oppose Hypocrisy.  PD is not "back-door amnesty." No doubt House Judiciary Committee Chair Lamar Smith dislikes eating the words he wrote in 1999: "The principle of prosecutorial discretion is well established."  He also knows that the votes are not there to roll back smart enforcement or override an assured Presidential veto of any such measure.  Don't let Rep. Smith and his ilk get away with any false claims or ill-advised policy reversals.
  6. Oppose Hate.  Immigration restrictionists are not pleased with the PD memos and will do whatever they can to attack any discernible trend to exercise discretion favorably.  The antidote to hate is the telling of truthful narratives by deserving persons who are allowed through PD to pursue, however tentatively, the American Dream. So, stakeholders, tell the truthful stories of honest people striving for a chance to make it in America and allow prosecutorial discretion to flourish. 

* * *

At least until our politicians begin to act like leaders who value country over power, let us hope that the new memos and the new direction signaled by DHS allow a meaningful chance for American justice to prevail against the insensate mob. 

Deportation Hearing Notices Flood the Immigration Removal Process

Our government leaders often ignore elementary rules of ecology and economics when trying to grapple with America’s immigration problems.

Ecology teaches that a system cannot thrive or long function if inputs far outnumber outputs. When rainwater enters the Mississippi in a volume that exceeds the river’s carrying capacity, levees are breached, adjacent lands are flooded, and people are devastated.

Economics teaches that because we live in a world of scarce and finite resources, a more or less functioning system of resource allocation will perforce arise. Not every one of the world’s inhabitants can sport a watch made of gold when this precious metal breaches the $1,500 per ounce price point, as has occurred recently. Thus, some mode of gold-watch allocation (be it capitalism, communism, despotism or another form of wealth transfer) will inevitably surface. The same or a similar system inevitably develops to allocate food, water, clean air and the real necessities of life.

Consider then the interplay of ecology and economics as the Federal Government tries, but mostly fails, to deport foreign citizens whom Congress has declared, in a very long list, are undesirable. The process is broken and dysfunctional because ecology is ignored (many more persons are brought before immigration judges and ordered deported than actually forced to leave) and economics is given short shrift (deportation resources are not targeted to first remove the most dangerous or vile offenders).

Deportation system breakdown, like success, has multiple fathers:

 Notice to Appear.jpg

  • A multitude of reasons to require leaving. The grounds for deportation (or "removal," as it is technically known) range widely. Included are evildoers (such as terrorists and human predators), economic migrants (if they are without proper papers), and the unlucky or merely careless (the unfortunate, if capable, souls who are fired from a job for which a work visa had been issued; those who’ve unwittingly exceeded their required departure date by even just a day or a week; or, persons whose request for permission to stay longer than initially planned has been denied). 
  • Too many ticket printers. Multiple officials within various units of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) exercise authority to start the deportation process by issuing a Notice to Appear (NTA) at a removal hearing before an immigration judge (IJ). These include the Border Patrol, within Customs and Border Protection (CBP), adjudicators employed by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), and the deportation police at Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Surprisingly, with CBP, USCIS and ICE all issuing NTAs, there are no published statistics, by issuing authority, on the numbers or percentage of newly opened immigration cases destined to appear before the immigration courts. This is a case of the left hand, the right hand and the other right hand not knowing what their counterparts are doing.
  • No bouncers. DHS has not established an orderly and intelligently-designed system to determine the integrity and propriety of each NTA that has been issued.  No designated official systematically decides which NTAs should or must be filed with the immigration court, and which ought be held in abeyance or disposed of in one of several non-judicial ways. (Almost every NTA, although styled as a "notice to appear" before a judge, contains no courtroom and date certain for the convening of a removal hearing. Instead, the document states factual allegations and legal grounds for removal and tells the person receiving it that the date and place of hearing will be announced in a future notice.) The system as presently operated requires no formal screening of NTAs to determine whether each is legally justified and sufficiently serious to warrant a hearing before a judge, potential incarceration, appellate review, and actually-enforced removal from this country. Clearly, some NTAs should be rejected. Why schedule an IJ hearing for a more-than-six-months, less-than-a-year overstay who can avoid the blotch of removal and a three-year-bar to reentry by complying with an administrative order of voluntary departure? Why waste an IJ’s time if the obvious resolution is to let time pass and await the individual’s turn in the green-card queue?
  • No ushers. Only a finite number of NTAs can be processed to the point of actually removing the person to his or her country of origin. This is not just an example of the theoretical principle of prosecutorial discretion. It is a rational system of ecological management (refraining from flooding the system beyond its carrying capacity) and economic realism (allocating scarce resources of money, time and energy to process only the most compelling cases for actual removal). 
  • Too few referees with too little power. Without appointing more IJs (and providing other required resources, like courtrooms, detention facilities, interpreters, law clerks, etc.) the over-issuance and over-filing of NTAs with the courts create the reality of assembly-line (in)justice and the illusion that the removal laws are carried out. Either the IJs should be given more authority to terminate proceedings where NTAs are improvidently issued or grounds for relief from removal are best handled outside the immigration courts, or, Congress must allocate sufficient judicial resources to accommodate the flood of NTAs.

* * *

Our federal lawmakers and the Obama Administration need to be told by Progressives, Tea Partiers, frugal independents and traditional partisans that the innumerable NTAs and outstanding but unfulfilled orders of removal flooding our deportation system mock both the duty to make and execute the laws faithfully, and proven principles of ecology and economics. We simply cannot and should not deport everyone for whom a technical ground of deportation can be cited. Some we should allow to stay, because they exemplify our values and their presence enriches us. Others who are really bad must go. A wise polity knows and acts on the difference.