I was escorted to the woodshed on January 15, a very public woodshed, and deservedly so.  Alejandro (Ali) Mayorkas, the Director of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), politely took me to task at a Public Engagement during the Q & A session when I raised two points. One involves the subject of a future post.  The other -- today's topic -- challenged an aspect of the agency's program for DREAMers known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA).  

As noted below, I criticized USCIS's stricter eligibility requirements for DACA recipients than other foreign citizens present in the U.S. who wish to travel abroad and be allowed back into the country. Mr. Mayorkas rejected my criticism (as also discussed below), but then offered one of his own.  

He noted that in my recent blog post, "The 2012 Nation of Immigrators Awards - The IMMIs," USCIS received the "Not Especially Nimble" IMMI for its lack of agility on matters of employment-based immigration. Mr. Mayorkas suggested that if nimbleness is the measure of performance, then glaring by its omission was my failure to mention the speed with which USCIS introduced the DACA program -- a scant two months from President Obama's Rose Garden announcement.  

Ali Mayorkas is right and I was wrong.  In lightning speed for a federal agency, USCIS launched DACA and, on its first day of implementation, was prepared to act on all requests from qualified applicants.  Rather than just wagging a finger at the slow pace of USCIS action on business-related immigration, I should also have tipped my hat to the phenomenally acrobatic DACA roll-out, for it showed what the agency's people can do when they roll up their sleeves and swing into action, notwithstanding naysayers like me. For this, I offer sincere "parole di scuse" (words of apology, in Italian).

But there is another species of DACA-related "parole" for which I offer no "scuse." This is a form of foreign-travel-and-reentry authorization known in immigration parlance as "parole." Unlike the use of that word in the criminal law context, however, immigration parole has nothing to do with conviction of a crime.

Rather, the discretionary power to grant parole arises under Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) § 212(d)(5)(A). By statute, it is the power to allow a foreign citizen into the United States "temporarily under such conditions as [formerly, the Attorney General, but now, USCIS, as delegate of the Homeland Security Secretary] may prescribe only on a case-by-case basis for urgent humanitarian reasons or significant public benefit . . ."

Parole is a grant of permission to travel to the U.S. and be granted entry in lieu of presenting a visa or overcoming or waiving a ground of visa ineligibility.  It comes in four flavors:

1. Humanitarian Parole (available to persons outside the U.S. who seek letters of travel permission to present to an airlines or common carrier and entry to the U.S., usually for emergent reasons),
2. Public Interest Parole (available to persons outside the U.S. who come for a reason the government believes is in the public interest, e.g., to testify at a criminal trial), 
3. Advance Parole (available to persons inside the U.S. who wish to travel abroad and be reasonably assured of being allowed back in) and 
4. Parole-in-Place (an administrative mechanism permitting an individual in the U.S., often a member of the U.S. military or a relative, to overcome an obstacle to adjusting status here and being awarded a green card).

During the Q & A portion of the January 15 Public Engagement, a member of the audience identifying himself as a DREAMer who'd been granted DACA designation asked why USCIS required DACA recipients seeking advance parole to provide compelling humanitarian evidence. (For details, see Travel Requirements and Restrictions.)  He noted that many DREAMers have been separated from family abroad for many years and just wanted to visit them and then return here.

Mr. Mayorkas responded that parole is an extraordinary remedy requiring powerful evidence of an emergent nature.

When my turn came, I challenged that assertion, and suggested that DACA grantees should be treated no differently than applicants for adjustment of status seeking advance parole while their green card applications remained in process. Adjustment applicants seeking parole need only cite a reason, or perhaps no reason at all, other than a desire to travel.

Besides diplomatically escorting me into the woodshed for my sin-by-omission grant of the IMMI award to USCIS, Mr. Mayorkas also disagreed emphatically on the grounds for parole, stating that the agency's eligibility criteria for "Humanitarian Parole" was well established by precedent decisions and judicial case law.  Then, he moved on to the many other questioners.

Had time permitted (as it now does), I would have responded that Mr. Mayorkas was conflating Advance Parole and Humanitarian Parole.  A glance at the instructions to the parole application (Form I-131), shows that persons outside the U.S. must establish that they seek to enter the U.S. "for emergent humanitarian reasons" (Humanitarian Parole) but those already in the U.S. applying  for adjustment of status must show that you they seek to travel abroad "for emergent personal or bona fide business reasons" (Advance Parole) and then return to await the outcome of their green card application.

Although the instructions on the Advance Parole application require a showing of "emergent personal or bona fide business reasons," immigration practitioners and historians of the immigration process know that current USCIS practice is to accept any personal reason for foreign travel offered by an adjustment applicant.  No proof of "emergen[cy]" is now required because the agency found long ago that when such evidence was demanded, applicants flooded the agency's offices with such evidence, personnel resources were diverted substantially from other tasks, and some number of deserving applicants departed the building crestfallen because their reason was not found sufficiently emergent, while others left gleefully for the opposite reason.  Any reason now will do.

But you say, DACA beneficiaries are out-of-status immigrants while adjustment applicants must show proof that they maintained lawful immigration status.  Certainly, one would think, USCIS is right in differentiating between the two groups.  Not really.  

DACA grantees -- by definition -- entered the U.S. as minors before age 16.  They are faultless in the eyes of the law, given that their tender age absolved them of culpability (and they must have proven that they "[h]ave not been convicted of a felony, significant misdemeanor, three or more other misdemeanors, and do not otherwise pose a threat to national security or public safety" to be granted DACA relief).  Moreover, some adjustment applicants are allowed to apply even if they have not maintained lawful status for "technical reasons" or reasons other than "through the fault" of the applicant.

While it makes sense to insist on compelling humanitarian reasons to let someone outside come to the U.S., it is hard to fathom a reason to require no such evidence of one (largely) faultless group of similarly situated persons in the U.S. (adjustment applicants) and yet require it of another entirely innocent group residing here (DACA recipients).

Perhaps the real reason has less to do with adherence to old case law on Humanitarian Parole, and more to do with a recent decision of the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) in Matter of Arrabally and Yerrabelly. There, the BIA held that an adjustment applicant's departure from the U.S. on a grant of advance parole does not trigger the three- or ten-year "unlawful presence" bar on reentry that usually applies to persons who stay more than six months or one year beyond the period granted by the government.  

The significance of Arrabally and Yerrabelly is that once a person is paroled back into the U.S., most prior failures to maintain status are purged and the person is adjustment-of-status eligible through the usual family- and employment-based sponsorship avenues, as my scholarly colleagues, Messrs. Endelman and Mehta, explain.  The BIA's reasoning in Arrabally and Yerrabelly would seem to apply not just to adjustment applicants but to DACA grantees as well.  This is the conclusion reportedly reached by USCIS's Chief Counsel, Stephen Legomsky, according to this tweet of Ben Winograd, Staff Attorney at the American Immigration Council.

Maybe the real pragmatic and political reason to be inferred from the strict DACA rules on Advance Parole is the fear that entry on parole will facilitate the mass legalization of DREAMers through the usual adjustment process -- a backdoor "amnesty" to those opposing a path to citizenship for the undocumented.

Back to the Public Engagement:  I also suggested that the denial of equal treatment to DACA beneficiaries may be a violation of Equal Protection.  Mr. Mayorkas rightly noted that Equal Protection is a principle of constitutional dimension with strict requirements not necessarily applicable in all situations of disparate treatment.  Yet, in another context during the Public Engagement (involving the need for written rather than telephonic communications between the bar and USCIS personnel), he noted that he is a big believer in people being on an equal footing or level playing field (and that therefore adjudicator/attorney oral exchanges are not allowed because lawyers can be overbearing).

While denial of Advance Parole to DACA beneficiaries who want to visit Grandma in the old country (unless she is certified by a doctor as at death's door) may not rise to the level of an Equal Protection violation, it surely undermines the principle of an equal footing and leveling of the playing field that the Director espouses.  I therefore hope he and his agency reconsiders and -- when definitive requirements are published -- issues the same easily satisfied Advance Parole eligibility criteria for DACA designees as now exists for adjustment applicants.

No woodshed visit or apology would be required.

As Republicans join Democrats in contemplating reform of the nation's dysfunctional immigration system, the final line of the Pledge of Allegiance ("with liberty and justice for all") is the best place to start. 

Revitalizing our broken and outdated 20th Century immigration laws to respond to the needs of 21st Century America will turn in large part on how we face the challenge of persuading desirable foreign citizens to make our country their home. Coveted immigrants now enjoy an array of choice locales; they are lured by the wealth, opportunity and blandishments of competitor nations throughout the developed and developing world. 

While the U.S. has long been the most preferred destination, our national rose seems to have lost much of its bloom. For too many foreigners possessing the attributes and skills we need, America may be tempting but just too risky.  We have posted a "road closed" sign when we should be cleaning off the welcome mat. 

Why would any intelligent person or family take a chance on America if it means that every critical step along the way raises the prospect of disrespect, insult, suspicion, delay and rejection? Those are the sorry results of our archaic and unwelcoming Immigration and Nationality Act, passed as the law of the land in the 1950s McCarthy era, modestly refreshed in 1990, but then made more draconian in 1996, and since at least the turn of the century, administered by bureaucrats who've too often espoused an inhospitable "culture of no."  

America would be wise to transform our immigration laws in tangible ways that make manifest the Pledge's promise of justice and liberty for all.  Here, then, are several suggested reforms to the immigration laws (with more to follow in future posts) that would serve us well by serving the needs of desirable immigrants:

Be more respectful and stop treating visa applicants like suspects and liars. Eliminate the presumption in current law which says that every applicant for a nonimmigrant visa is presumed to want to remain in America permanently unless s/he proves otherwise to the satisfaction of a consular officer. The presumption is jingoistic and haughty, too often counter-factual, and in any case unhelpful in that it breeds ill will among would-be entrants.  Establish clear visa-eligibility requirements that must be proven by a preponderance of the evidence (a more likely than not standard), and maintain very strict security-clearance procedures.  In addition, videotaping all visa applicants while recording the voice of the consular officer would by itself enhance our security while likely improving the behavior and courtesy of interviewing officers.  Just as Mitt Romney learned that disrespectful urgings about self-deportation insulted the Latino community, "Ugly American" consular behaviors are a turn-off to those whom we would welcome.

Eliminate consular absolutism. No one -- not even someone as admired until recently as General David Petraeus -- is infallible.  Yet current law says that no government official, not the President or the Secretary of State or the Attorney General or any federal judge, can correct mistaken findings of fact made by a consular officer when deciding to refuse a visa application.  Justice for all means due process for all and it means that no one, not even consular officers, are above the law.  Congress should create a means of challenging consular visa refusals and visa revocations, especially where the rights of American companies and families are adversely affected.  The review process can begin with a pilot program covering all immigrant visas and nonimmigrant visas for investors and work-visa applicants, and then be expanded to cover additional categories.

Establish Due Process border protections. U.S. border inspectors at ports of entry possess extraordinary authority, including the power of expedited removal without judicial oversight, and the power to deny foreign applicants for admission, including permanent residents, all access to legal representation.  When the interests at risk in a refusal of admission are significant, and an unjust refusal adversely affects the rights of American citizens and businesses, the unregulated "third-degree" style of border enforcement must give way to the rule of law and enhanced due process protections.

Create Additional Immigration Checks and Balances. The current system of immigration justice too often fails to provide prompt and legally correct decisions.  Probably the worst offender is the Administrative Appeals Office (AAO) of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), a faux-"tribunal" that has failed to fulfill its professed mission.  It is staffed by too many non-lawyers, issuing too many legally dubious and inordinately delayed decisions, without rules of court, from within the same agency (USCIS) that issued the initial decision, while denying many parties with legal interests in the outcome an opportunity to be heard or affording a means to preserve the status quo (e.g., uninterrupted employment authorization) when an appeal remains pending.  It should be moved out of the Department of Homeland Security and perhaps into the Justice Department, say to the Office of the Chief Administrative Hearing Officer (OCAHO) where other administrative claims under the legal immigration system are heard. 

Better yet, Congress should create a new Federal Immigration Court (FIC), styled after the Federal Bankruptcy Court and the Tax Court, to be staffed by judges appointed under Article III of the Constitution, possessing jurisdiction over all immigration law issues, in place of not just the AAO, but also the Board of Immigration Appeals, the Department of Labor's Administrative Law Judges and Administrative Review Board, and the Federal District Courts. The FIC could also assume jurisdiction over appeals of consular visa refusals under the pilot program suggested above.

Other immigration checks and balances would entail enhancing the power of (a) the Office of the USCIS Ombudsman, by giving it the authority to overrule legally erroneous actions of USCIS, and (b) the Department of Homeland Security's Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties, by expanding beyond its authority to advise the DHS Secretary on policy changes and authorizing it to investigate and penalize violations of civil rights, civil liberties and due process.

Reassign Agency Roles.  The Fraud Detection and National Security Directorate (FDNS) of USCIS has no place in an agency charged with conferring immigration benefits on deserving petitioners and applicants.  FDNS should be moved into U.S. Customs and Immigration Enforcement (ICE) because the missions of FDNS and ICE are hand-in-glove aligned and ICE has established a variety of due process protections which, alas, FDNS now routinely ignores (like prior notice to counsel of client site visits). Similarly, the Department of Labor's Employment and Training Administration should be ordered by Congress to cease its wasteful and duplicitous labor market testing process known as "labor certification."  Instead, the Bureau of Labor Statistics should be instructed to publish lists of shortage occupations based on data collected nationally, and prospective employers should be allowed to petition for foreign workers based on the shortage lists.  Employers should also be allowed to petition for inclusion of new or omitted occupations on the lists based on a regulations proposed for public comment and finalized under the Administrative Procedure Act.

Expand or Eliminate Work- and Investor-Visa Quotas. Numerous studies have shown that employment-based immigration promotes economic growth and opportunity in the importing nation and -- through remittances sent back home -- in the exporting nation as well.  Why then should there be a quota on economic growth?  The only conceivable situation is where growth creates tangible problems that are proven to override the economic benefits of employment-based immigration.  Our current immigration system, however, pulls quota numbers out of thin air, without regard to any published financial or demographic metrics.  Take for example the H-1B visa quota which is now set at 85,000 but has ranged from 65,000 to close to 200,000 since its imposition in 1990, and it is Swiss-cheesed with exemptions for Chileans, Singaporeans, Australians and other privileged classes.  The history of the program has shown that the quota is inadequate when market demand for foreign workers is high and unnecessary when demand is low.  So, why have a quota on "smart people" (as business leader and philanthropist Bill Gates has asked)?

Establish uniform privileges across all work visa categories.  There is no reason why spouses of E, J-1 and L-1 visa holders are allowed to work and spouses of other visa holders are prohibited.  If promoting dual-career households is a public good, then make the opportunity available uniformly for all work visa categories.  There is likewise no reason why H-1B, H-4, L-1 and L-2 visa holders can travel abroad and reenter on their visas without being deemed to have abandoned their green-card applications, while applicants in other visa categories applying for green cards must re-apply if they leave and return.  Nor is it logical that H-1B visa holders have "portability" of benefits when they change employers and can extend their cumulative stay beyond the usual multi-year maximum if they pursue a green card but other work visa holders are denied these privileges.  And the mother of all illogical immigration notions -- the presumed intent of a nonimmigrant visa applicant to immigrate unless the contrary is proven -- should be just as inapplicable to all visa categories as it is to a few (such as the H-1B, L-1 and O-1 visas).

Promote Immigration Transparency and Accountability. The immigration stakeholder community has no way to identify adjudicators who consistently misinterpret the law, misunderstand basic business concepts, defy headquarters directives or ignore judicial precedents.  Unlike Immigration Judges whose patterns of decisions are trackable, immigration decision-makers do not affix their name or a tracking number to their decisions. These bad apples taint the rest of the produce in the barrel and bring disrepute on the system.  Personnel laws administered behind the scenes are not enough to deter incompetence or insubordination.  Congress should mandate a system of transparency and accountability that allows the public to monitor and protest malfeasant and miscreant behaviors among immigration adjudicators. 

Promote entrepreneurship and investment.  Congress should promote economic pragmatism and eliminate the current bars that prevent working owners, entrepreneurs and investors from immigrating to the United States. It should allow a greater measure of "free-agency" for talented foreign nationals rather than permit pre-arranged employer sponsorship as the sole or primary vehicle for business-related immigration benefits.  It should also streamline the EB-5 program so that adjudicators are not allowed to demand rail-car loads of irrelevant paper based on ever-changing and novel interpretations of legal requirements.  It should allow for the creation of a Founders or Start-Up Visa.  It should confer immigration benefits on investors in residential or commercial real estate.  It should establish a race-to-the-top competition which would confer to states proposing innovative commercial, business, artistic or scientific projects the right to grant a share of work visas and green cards to the most promising foreign applicants. And it should foster worthy pilot immigration projects targeted to solving big problems.

* * *

These suggestions for a more welcoming immigration system receive little attention from the press and politicians who focus on border and interior enforcement, a path to citizenship for the undocumented and future flows of immigrant workers. 

While the problems the politicos and pundits identify require a solution, America will still fail to create a 21st Century immigration system unless it takes aggressive steps to welcome the world's most desirable immigrants.

Last week marked the end of the second annual National Coming out of the Shadows Week, a rite of passage for undocumented youth -- Americans in all but the eyes of the law -- who support enactment of the DREAM Act. 

Publicly proclaiming one's unauthorized immigration status is clearly a courageous act. As the National Immigrant Youth Alliance explains in its "Guide to ‘Coming Out’ for Undocumented Youth," revealing to others that you live in this country without legal status can range from "easy to very hard" depending on the way it's done. An act in defiance of governmental authority, "coming out" can trigger serious repercussions under the immigration laws, including arrest, detention and deportation.

On the other hand, this form of self-revelation can be cathartic and possibly beneficial.  Counterintuitively, the first step from darkness could also set the stage for actions under current law that may well lead the federal government to grant legal benefits and protections unavailable to other DREAMers who remain in the shadows.  Some of these avenues are described in a useful 73-page online resource, "The Life after College Guide for Undocumented Students," published by the nonprofit, Educators for Fair Consideration (E4FC). 

Funded in part by benefactors from Silicon Valley, E4FC suggests, for example, the possibility of seeking employer sponsorship for an H-1B visa (for Specialty Occupation Workers), traveling abroad and applying for a "D3" waiver under Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) § 212(d)(3).  This is a risky proposition.  It requires throwing oneself on the mercy of both a U.S. consular officer (who must recommend the D3 waiver) and the Department of Homeland Security's Admissibility Review Office -- a unit of U.S. Customs and Border Protection -- which must approve it.  If the waiver is not granted, a DREAMer who'd entered illegally or been in the U.S. in unlawful presence after age 18 would be subject in most cases to a ten-year bar on reentry to the United States.

The E4FC guide also discusses various legal ways of earning a living in the U.S. notwithstanding undocumented status, such as qualifying as an independent contractor, either as a sole proprietor or an incorporated entity. Although E4FC does not cite legal authority, it exists in some situations under Bhakta v. INS, 667 F.2d 771 (1981); Lauvik v. INS, 910 F.2d 658 (1990); and Konishi v. INS, 661 F.2d 818 (1981), cases holding that management of a business which will likely create jobs for American workers does not constitute unauthorized employment under the immigration laws.  

The guide, quite correctly however, cautions DREAMers: 

It is your responsibility to determine whether you may legally pursue these options based on your immigration status. Be sure to consult with an experienced immigration lawyer first.

The E4FC, also laudably, provides links to a free, online service for DREAMers to obtain a preliminary assessment of whether legal remedies may exist in a particular individual's unique situation, while offering the admonition:

This service should only be used for a preliminary analysis of your possible immigration remedies. We urge you to consult with a reliable immigration attorney for a comprehensive analysis.  

I echo the same cautionary note as E4FC with a disclaimer here, and a reminder that what I am about to suggest is made available for educational purposes only, not to provide specific legal advice.  For legal advice in each individual's case, DREAMers should consult a competent immigration lawyer, as urged by U.S.Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) here and as explained by the American Immigration Lawyers Association in this FAQ.

With the foregoing very large caveat, here are some additional tips, possible options and information for further research with and through your immigration lawyer that may be helpful and suitable in a given case (yet may fail miserably in other cases).

1. Build Your Tribe.  No DREAMer should face the federal government alone.  Besides a competent immigration lawyer, your tribe of supporters and resource providers should include, whenever possible, family, friends, fellow students, community activists, faith-based groups working for social justice, wealthy benefactors, an employer willing to sponsor you for a work visa, social media mavens and sympathetic journalists to tell your story to the public and follow you through the immigration process. Though government officials may deny that publicity has any effect on their actions, publicity helps.  Paraphrasing Hillary Clinton (even if she didn't say it first or quite this way), "it takes a village to raise a [DREAM] child."
2. Qualify for family-based, employer-based or self-sponsored immigrant visa classification, and apply for permanent residence (a green card) through adjustment of status by invoking the law's forgiveness provisions. The immigration laws allow foreign citizens to obtain "immigrant visa classification" in many different ways.  It can be obtained through certain forms of family or marital sponsorship, or through the employment-based visa categories, including a current or prospective employer's labor certification, as well as through self-sponsorship options under the "Extraordinary Ability" and "National Interest Waiver" avenues.  It can even be obtained by way of the EB-5 employment-creation investor category (say, if a wealthy benefactor provides a lawful gift, or a venture capitalist provides funds for investment by purchasing a DREAMer's intellectual property, valued at least at a half million dollars). Immigrant visa classification can be converted into a green card through the adjustment of status (AOS) process without ever departing the United States.  As an initial prerequisite, AOS requires that the applicant have been inspected and "admitted or paroled."  Thus, a DREAMer who entered on a visa but overstayed satisfies this preliminary threshold.  If the DREAMer is an EWI (someone who entered without inspection), s/he would need to ask USCIS to grant Parole In Place to satisfy this first step for AOS eligibility. Ordinarily, however, AOS is not available to someone who violated status or worked without permission.  Fortunately, there are two exceptions (forgiveness clauses) under which USCIS can still grant AOS: (1) If the violation of status was for "technical reasons;" or (2) if it was other than through the fault of the applicant.  See my co-authored article, "Imagining the Improbable: Extraordinary Immigration Solutions for the Hapless and Hopeless." ("Imagining the Improbable"). With the help of an experienced immigration lawyer, more than a few talented and accomplished DREAMers can conceivably present a well-proven case showing that their violation of immigration status was proximately caused by the person(s) who brought them here, or through "technical reasons," e.g., their inability as minors under law to have the legal capacity or capability to take steps to seek some form of lawful status or discretionary relief under law.
3. Seek Lawful Nonimmigrant Status without leaving the United States.  Just as the green card AOS procedure contains forgiveness clauses, so too do the nonimmigrant visa categories.  As explained in Imagining the Improbable, someone who entered on a visa but overstayed or fell out of status, but who did not work without permission and who is not in removal proceedings, may be restored to the same or a different nonimmigrant visa status if "extraordinary circumstances" can be established.  Extraordinary circumstances are decided on a case-by-case basis.  As Imagining the Improbable also explains, it may be possible, in addition, to rely on a principle of law known as "equitable tolling" to extend the deadline for filing an extension or change of status. Even a person who came into the U.S. as an EWI may qualify if USCIS can first be persuaded to grant Parole In Place.  INS (and USCIS still today) have exercised authority to convert parole status into H-1B status on the strength of a March 25, 2000 Headquarters policy memorandum.  Thus, conceptually there is no apparent reason why parole-conversion-to-nonimmigrant-status could not also apply to other nonimmigrant categories once Parole In Place is granted.   
4. Apply to USCIS for employment authorization, while presenting evidence of eligibility for "deferred action" status. Grants of prosecutorial discretion (PD) by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) have been abysmally low.  According to a March 9, 2012 email sent to Congress, ICE has found only 1% of detained foreign citizens and 8% of immigrants in Immigration Court proceedings "provisionally amenable" to a grant of PD.  If a DREAMer is not before the Immigration Court (i.e., has never been served with a Notice to Appear), s/he may nonetheless be eligible for a grant of "deferred action," also sometimes known as "deferred departure," according to Leon Wildes, the lawyer who, in successfully representing ex-Beatle John Lennon, discovered through a Freedom of Information Act request, the existence of a secret procedure then known as the "Non-Priority Program."   Although the Operations Instructions (OIs) of USCIS's predecessor, the Immigration and Naturalization Service, have been superseded, "deferred action" status still exists at 8 CFR § 274a.12(c)(14), which provides that a foreign national may apply for employment authorization if s/he "has been granted deferred action, an act of administrative convenience to the government which gives some cases lower priority, if the alien establishes an economic necessity for employment."  Here, from the old superseded OIs, is the INS rationale for granting deferred action status and the factors to be considered for this form of relief:

The district director may, in his or her discretion, recommend consideration of deferred action, an act of administrative choice to give some cases lower priority and in no way an entitlement, in appropriate cases. The deferred action category recognizes that the Service has limited enforcement resources and that every attempt should be made administratively to utilize these resources in a manner which will achieve the greatest impact under the immigration laws. In making deferred action determinations, the following factors, among others, should be considered:

(A) the likelihood of ultimately removing the alien, including:

(1) the likelihood that the alien will depart without formal proceedings (e.g., minor child who will accompany deportable parents);

(2) the age or physical condition affecting ability to travel;

(3) the likelihood that another country will accept the alien;

(4) the likelihood that the aliens will be able to qualify for some form of relief which would prevent or indefinitely delay deportation;

(B) the presence of sympathetic factors which, while not legally precluding deportation, could lead to unduly protracted deportation proceedings, and which, because of a desire on the part of the administrative authorities or the courts to reach a favorable result, could result in a distortion of the law with unfavorable implications for future cases;

(C)] the likelihood that because of the sympathetic factors in the case, a large amount of adverse publicity will be generated which will result in a disproportionate amount of Service time being spent in responding to such publicity or justifying actions (emphasis added);

(D) whether or not the individual is a member of a class of deportable aliens whose removal has been given a high enforcement priority (e.g., dangerous criminals, large-scale alien smugglers, narcotic drug traffickers, terrorists, war criminals, habitual immigration violators).

* * *

To be sure, some seasoned immigration lawyers might react to my suggestions with skepticism.  So be it.  My purpose is not to suggest that the immigration benefits available under current law through these strategies are easily won. 

Rather, this is where your tribe and the tribes of all the DREAMers must spring into action.  Mount a campaign to persuade USCIS to embrace these approaches in individual cases.  Present the most worthy and compelling cases first.  Refrain from filing cases with little hope for success.  Publicize the outcomes of the successes and failures.  Put USCIS (and the Obama Administration as it courts Hispanic-Americans and other hyphenated citizens for votes in November) to the task of explaining why such existing remedies under law are not embraced with gusto and granted with compassionate neutrality. 

The DREAMers, after all, are the innocents.  They landed here without asking for a life full of challenge and hardship. They deserve a chance to be brought into the law's good graces under remedial provisions that past administrations have created.

If large numbers of self-outed DREAMers were to ask for immigration benefits under current law, the bureaucrats managing and administering the immigration laws would be forced to take the flood of well-publicized filings into account and resolve them.  Just like the plea-bargaining that takes place in every court of the land, where it would crash the system if every defendant exercised the right to a trial, it would shake the unresponsive immigration system into action were the DREAMers -- in large numbers -- to ask for what the law clearly allows.  

So DREAMers (after consulting with your immigration lawyers and acting only on advice of counsel), stop playing hide and seek.  Instead, come out, come out, wherever you are.   

From the first prehistoric evenings sitting around campfires, humans have been telling stories. Heroic myths, fairy-tale fables, oral histories -- all have been seared into heart and memory through the power of narrative. Civil and criminal trials are merely stylized forms of storytelling.  Journalism's hook, theatre's Sturm und Drang, reality television's sour and sweet confections -- all are bottomed on stories.

Although I've mentored dozens of able and bright immigration lawyers, some new, some not so, I continue to be amazed at how few appreciate the power of telling stories (double entendre intended).  Sadly, the unscrupulous -- the notarios, consultants and sleazebags with a law license -- know too well the power of storytelling -- but I'm talking about truthful, factual, accurate stories, not fabrications.

Some stories tell themselves, like the saga of my pro bono client, Shyima Hall.  Born in Alexandria, Egypt as Shyima Hassan, one of 11 children in a poor family, she is sold by her mother at age 9, and smuggled into America a year later to work for a wealthy Egyptian couple in my town, Irvine, California, a 'burb often rated, ironically, one of the most crime-free cities in America. After three years of captivity, working night and day for the couple and their five children, sleeping in their unheated, unlighted garage, washing her clothes in a bucket, she is spotted by a suspicious neighbor who tips off the police. The couple is convicted and Shyima is taken to Orangewood orphanage, then adopted by a foster couple, and along the way befriended by a compassionate agent of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).  

Shyima obtains a green card as a Special Immigrant Juvenile.  After high school, she travels around the country with ICE to speak about the dangers of human trafficking and urge trafficked victims to be brave and come forward. She volunteers with the Public Law Center, the Orange County Human Trafficking Task Force, and other anti-slavery groups such as the Coalition to Abolish Slavery and Trafficking. 

Years later, serendipity leads me to Shyima (who is now a young adult).  It prompted me on a whim to pop into the office of an ICE communications officer to say hello at the close of a USCIS California Service Center Stakeholders Meeting. The officer tells me about Shyima and her goal to become an ICE officer, but also of this amazing woman's preliminary need to find pro bono counsel who'll help her become a naturalized American. Asked to find Shyima pro bono counsel, I volunteer myself and my firm. The media have followed Shyima's story, since she was first released from captivity, and again just last week in this Los Angeles Times piece and this AP article as well as the following video, shot on the day of her oath-taking and embrace of American citizenship.

Not all immigration stories flow naturally with such a dramatic arc. Some are hidden and must be teased out and coaxed to appear. Immigration lawyers who can do this, in my view, "are worth their weight in gold," as another immigration-agency communications officer, Karen Kraushaar, once told the Washington Post (before she moved on to another federal job and later joined other women accusing Herman Cain of sexual misconduct  -- a totally different story in itself).

In truth, Ms. Kraushaar was referring to Immigration law's complexity ("[It's] a mystery and a mastery of obfuscation"). While surely the ability to traverse code sections, regulations, policy interpretations and institutional history matters (as the Supreme Court unanimously demonstrated this week in the Judulang case), that's not the whole story. 

Telling immigration stories matter(s) just as much, sometimes more. Good immigration stories entice.  Unlike the physical imprisonment of Shyima's Irvine garage, they create emotional captivity. They have the power, as in Shyima's case, to melt the (too-often) frozen heart of ICE. Take for instance the 50 real-life biographies depicted so well, with vivid photos and eloquent word pictures, in a new book, Green Card Stories. These stories, however, did not tell themselves.  They required worth-their-weight-in-gold immigration lawyers (mostly members of the Alliance of Business Immigration Lawyers) to bring them to life.

Immigration lawyers, paralegals, U.S. citizen spouses and families of the foreign born, employers of non-citizens, and would-be Green Card holders:  Read this book! It will inspire you to make your clients', families', employees' and your own Green Card stories a reality. These stories, like all well-told immigration biographies, humanize the demonized and prove that they are worthy of welcome. These dramatically revealed tales of truth and hardship, often extreme and exceptional, unmask the lies of the nativists and the naïve, who make or believe the make-believe memes about immigration, legal and illegal. They help us "Define American."

With all the political hoo-ha about the need to prevent rascally businesses from employing unauthorized workers intentionally, the public ought not be faulted for assuming that the concept of "employment" under immigration law is clearly defined.  Sad to say, but the assumers give life to the maxim that when we consider facts not in evidence we make a derrière out of one another. I'm not suggesting that there is no definition of “employment”. Rather, the given definition -- despite the incorporation of a glossary of interwoven and related terms -- fails to offer enough nuance or clarity. 

[Stink alert!  We are about to venture into malodorous legalese. Hold your nose.  The journey will be worth it.] 

The relevant regulation, found at 8 CFR § Sec. 274a.1 (Definitions), provides:

(c) The term hire means the actual commencement of employment of an employee for wages or other remuneration . . . 

(f) The term employee means an individual who provides services or labor for an employer for wages or other remuneration but does not mean independent contractors . . . 

(g) The term employer means a person or entity . . .who engages the services or labor of an employee to be performed in the United States for wages or other remuneration. In the case of an independent contractor or contract labor or services, the term employer shall mean the independent contractor or contractor and not the person or entity using the contract labor . . . 

(h) The term employment means any service or labor performed by an employee for an employer within the United States . . . 

(j) The term independent contractor includes individuals or entities who carry on independent business, contract to do a piece of work according to their own means and methods, and are subject to control only as to results. Whether an individual or entity is an independent contractor, regardless of what the individual or entity calls itself, will be determined on a case-by-case basis. Factors to be considered in that determination include, but are not limited to, whether the individual or entity: supplies the tools or materials; makes services available to the general public; works for a number of clients at the same time; has an opportunity for profit or loss as a result of labor or services provided; invests in the facilities for work; directs the order or sequence in which the work is to be done and determines the hours during which the work is to be done. . . (Bolding added.) 

These definitions raise more questions than they answer. In the hypotheticals below, assuming that the individual in question has no legal right to engage in the specific actions noted, is the particular action prohibited "employment"?: 

1.      Self-employment?

• Is a busker in a New York subway who does not solicit but accepts voluntary donations from passersby employed?
• Does it matter if the busker puts his hat, upside down in front of him, in case anyone wants to make a voluntary offering?
• Would an independent photographer, artist, architect or writer who produces a finished work for personal enjoyment be engaged in employment?
• What if the individual later decides to sell the work in the U.S. -- does the sale cause the individual to have engaged in employment?
• What about a professional knife-thrower's human target -- is (s)he employed when standing still as the knife approaches?
• What about an usher in the theatre who escorts patrons to their seats and is thus  allowed to view the performance for free?
• Does it matter if the show is such a flop that the producers routinely give away free tickets?
• Are the legions of voluntary interns who receive valuable experience and college credit but no monetary payment employed?

2.      The sale or rental of an asset?

• Is a female employed if she sells one of her eggs in the U.S.?
• How about a male who is paid for his sperm at a Los Angeles clinic -- is he employed?
• If the female was born abroad possessing the usual full complement of eggs, is her acquiescence for a fee in the removal of one or more eggs an act of employment?
• What about a male in the U.S. for several years, whose semen was presumably created while he lived here, engaging in employment when he is paid by the sperm bank?
• Does it matter if the sperm bank offers him a cup, directs him to fill it, leaves a copy of Playboy in the private donation room and pays him an honorarium -- is this employment?

3.      U.S.-based "virtual" efforts (with servers located abroad and work saved "in the cloud")? 

• What about a Silicon Valley blogger who accepts paid advertising -- employment, yes or no?
• What about a math genius living in Connecticut who accepts a prize to solve a puzzling theorem with his laptop -- employment?

4.      The active management of an investment in the U.S.?

• How about the owner/manager of a motel -- employed?
• How about the owner of an optometry shop who gives eye exams and engages American optometrists to work with her -- employed?

5.      The present exchange of promises assuring action in the future?

• What about the exchange of  mutual promises - is it employment today if an employer promises to hire a worker and the worker agrees to render services for wages, with the work to begin next week?
• What if one of the parties reneges -- is it still employment as of the time when the promises were made?

6.      The operation of a U.S. business that creates jobs for Americans?  

• What about a full-time student who invents the next Facebook-type free app in his Harvard dorm room and hires software developers, knowing that some day an IPO will make him a billionaire -- is the present intention to profit in the future enough to constitute employment?
• What if other students, say, two twin brothers, gave the student inventor the idea for the app -- are they employed if they sue and recover damages or settlement proceeds for their idea -- is the payment for the idea employment?
• What if the free app requires users to agree to Terms of Service that make any valuable user-produced data, photos or designs the property of the student app inventor -- does the retention of ownership rights constitute "other remuneration"?

7.      The payment for or receipt of valuable benefits?

• Which of the foregoing individuals or entities that make payment of money "employers" in the United States?
• Which of them must complete a Form I-9 (Employment Eligibility Verification) when they "hire" any of the foregoing "employee[s]" in the U.S.?
• Which of them are committing  felonies for "harboring" an unauthorized worker (since the harboring statute includes employment as a prohibited act)?
• Which of the foregoing recipients of the noted benefits have failed to maintain lawful immigration status and therefore are ineligible for prosecutorial discretion and deferred action or are removable (deportable)?
• Which of these recipients of benefits are thereby ineligible to receive a green card through the adjustment of status process?
• Are any of the reasons for adjustment ineligibility "technical" in nature or not the "fault" of the individual (no-fault and technical reasons are forgiveness provisions that allow the grant of a green card even if the person is otherwise ineligible)? 

My point is not to model a law school class by using the Socratic method and reductio ad absurdem arguments.  Instead, it is to illustrate that the immigration regulations in their present form do not offer the guidance needed to cover many everyday (and some unusual) situations. 

With so much riding on the correct interpretation, the government must take a hard look at the current, clearly inadequate regulations, and issue proposed rules that allow the public to comment on new, more transparent guidance.  In the absence of new regulations, the immigration agencies -- U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement -- should follow the lead of IRS and offer a voluntary settlement program to businesses and individuals who seek to come back to the sunny side of the immigration law. 

The dog days of August are behind us, yet the economic doldrums persist.  Unemployment remains unchanged and unacceptably high at 9.1%. The White House forecasts that it will stay there through the New Year and then likely drop only a tenth of a percentage point for all of 2012. 

Congress returns this week to Washington. Vituperation in lieu of legislative action will soon begin. The media kerfuffle over the timing of the Obama-Jobs speech enraged most citizen observers. Meantime, pundits are asking about the content of the President's speech:  Will he go large to appease dispirited Progressives?  Or, will he propose modest measures that "the Left [won't] understand" in the hope of winning bipartisan support. 

American politicians and special interests seem to have forgotten the "vigorous virtues [of self-reliance, personal responsibility, industriousness and a passion for freedom]," as David Brooks, op-ed columnist for the New York Times, observes. Brooks argues, convincingly, that as a result of this forgetfulness (I would call it blind and callous indifference) a "specter [is] haunting American politics: national decline."

The descent, however, is not inevitable.  It can be reversed.  A largely unseen, silent, law-abiding yet shackled group within our midst embodies all of the vigorous virtues. They are the sojourners from abroad who are yoked to the constricting terms and conditions of a U.S. employer's work visa petition. These hard-working souls are prohibited by law and dubious agency interpretations from using their ideas, talents, capital and energy to start companies and hire American workers.

Fortunately, no act of Congress is required to unleash these innovators, entrepreneurs and job creators and empower them to work their magic. 

The White House already knows it possesses the authority through executive action in immigration matters.  The Administration's recalibration of its immigration enforcement priorities has evoked little public outcry.  Disinformation, however, is spreading but failing to gain much traction.  The "Backdoor Amnesty" dog has no legs and won't hunt.

If unauthorized immigrants with positive equities warrant legitimate administrative relief, as they clearly do, why not reward the more deserving foreign citizens who have patiently waited and played by the rules?  

The President should therefore continue trying to jump start job-creation and allow the next generation of Apples, Googles and as yet unimagined supercompanies to take root in American soil and thrive. The White House's early steps "to Promote Startup Enterprises and Spur Job Creation" have been criticized, however, in this blog and elsewhere, as overly narrow and unhelpful. These missteps are not failures.  They are merely invitations to persist, as the iconic American innovator, Thomas Edison, reminds us ("I have not failed. I've just found 10,000 ways that won't work").

Here then are my suggestions to President Obama for administrative reform of the legal immigration system, as presented to attendees at an outstanding event convened on August 31 in Los Angeles by January Contreras, the USCIS Ombudsman ("Listening Session to Explore Small and Start-Up Business Immigration Issues"):

• Instruct U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) to rescind the January 8, 2010 "Neufeld Memorandum" on employer-employee relationships and replace it with a regulation expressly allowing immigration self-sponsorship by owner-entrepreneurs in a broad array of work visa categories for employment on company premises and at customer sites.
• Instruct USCIS and the State Department to issue -- on an expedited basis -- replacement or initial regulations interpreting the following laws in the expansive and job-creating spirit that Congress intended: The Immigration Act of 1990, the American Competitiveness and Workforce Improvement Act of 1998, and the American Competitiveness in the Twenty-First Century Act of 2000. These regulations should, e.g., broaden eligibility for all categories of the L-1 Intracompany Transferee visa, particularly for start-up operations, function managers and specialized knowledge personnel.
• Instruct USCIS to focus on improving the quality of adjudications by improving the corps of adjudicators who make employment-based immigration decisions:
  • Impose stricter hiring requirements, including the minimum of a relevant bachelor's degree (if it takes that to receive an H-1B visa, the same should apply to grant one), strong writing and analytical skills.
  • Cause the Small Business Administration to provide training to adjudicators on the characteristics, contributions and challenges of small businesses and startups.
  • Review performance metrics and institute sanctions for improper issuance of Requests for Evidence, Notices of Intent to Deny and Revocation notices, while rewarding positive behaviors.
• Instruct USCIS to grant nonimmigrants in lawful immigration status the benefits of “parole in place” and open-market work authorization upon submission of proof that they will open a business, buy a home, hire U.S. workers or devise an innovative technology, good or service.
• Instruct USCIS to allow beneficiaries of approved employment- or family-based immigrant visa petitions whose place in the visa queue is backlogged to apply for adjustment of status (thereby entitling them to open-market work permits until they reach the front of the visa line and can receive green card approval).
• Instruct USCIS to allow Premium Processing of employment-based Administrative Appeals Office appeals and all Motions to Reopen or Reconsider along with the tolling of unlawful presence penalties and the grant of employment authorization during the pendency of non-frivolous filings.
• Instruct the Labor Department to add entrepreneurs and investors to the pre-certified Schedule A labor certification exemption, and allow an entity owned by such individuals to self-sponsor for green card status.
• Instruct USCIS to publicize its 2008 Notice prohibiting internal retaliation against small businesses, define “retaliation” broadly and pursue violations aggressively.
• Instruct USCIS to eliminate the Directorate, Fraud Detection and National Security (FDNS), and instruct U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to exercise all investigative and enforcement functions involving alleged immigration benefits fraud and immigration-related national security concerns.
• Instruct ICE to investigate only those small business violations based on articulable and reasonable cause that a violation of the INA has occurred. Stop the guilty until proven innocent approach currently in use. 
• Instruct USCIS to appoint an Associate Director who reports directly to the Director and who is solely responsible for promoting and facilitating the grant of employment based immigration benefits and reporting actions by USCIS personnel that impede, impair or deny the grant of such benefits to deserving parties. This Associate Director would also have authority to intervene under the Homeland Security Act when the State Department takes actions that unreasonably interfere with or deny immigration benefits to startups and small businesses.
• Require strict compliance by all immigration agencies with the notice-and-comment requirements of the Administrative Procedure Act and the small-business-impact analysis required under the Regulatory Flexibility Act, and phase out the practice of issuing guidance by policy memorandum.
• Instruct and empower the Small Business Administration’s Office of Advocacy to review and recommend changes to DHS, DOL and DOS rules that adversely affect job creation, entrepreneurship, investment and innovation by small businesses and start-ups.

As we await the President's address to a joint session of Congress, many anticipate that at least one proposal will be to rebuild our nation's existing infrastructure -- the roads, bridges, waterways, and rails.  Let's hope he also includes legitimate administrative fixes to our creaking and crotchety LEGAL immigration infrastructure.  American citizens looking for jobs deserve nothing less. 

President Obama has put on a good show lately about the need for the populace to rise up and pressure the GOP to enact comprehensive immigration reform.  He urges citizens to begin "a national conversation on immigration reform that builds a bipartisan consensus to fix our broken immigration system so it works for America’s 21st century economy."  With the White House claiming that "he can’t do it alone," he asks you and me to host  roundtables that will "help bring the debate to your community." 

Were it not for the Republicans who keep moving the goal posts on border security, he claimed on May 10 in El Paso, we'd be able, together, to devise the grand solution that fixes our nation's wholly dysfunctional immigration system: 

We have gone above and beyond what was requested by the very Republicans who said they supported broader reform as long as we got serious about enforcement. All the stuff they asked for, we’ve done. But even though we’ve answered these concerns, I’ve got to say I suspect there are still going to be some who are trying to move the goal posts on us one more time. . . . they said we needed to triple the Border Patrol. Or now they’re going to say we need to quadruple the Border Patrol. Or they’ll want a higher fence. Maybe they’ll need a moat. (Laughter.) Maybe they want alligators in the moat. (Laughter.) They’ll never be satisfied. And I understand that. That’s politics.

Some may be moved by his crocodile tears to swallow the notion that his hands are tied. I have a few words in response:  Balderdash. Bunkum. Hogwash. Fiddle-faddle.

Either this president is not the analytical, data-gathering, cooly-decisive and valiant leader portrayed by the media, particularly since the takedown of Osama Bid Laden, or, he is playing politics with people's lives and "America’s 21st century economy."  There's no need to repeat previous posts (here, here, here, here, here and there) on his broad executive authority to ameliorate the traumas endured by DREAMers and the other undocumented among us. 

The simple fact, known all too well by immigration insiders but rarely reported, is that President Obama could vastly improve America's competitiveness and stop the flight of foreign talent back to their homelands by reversing or recalibrating several administrative rules or rulings that have long thrown foreign entrepreneurs into the moat with the immigration alligators.  

Here are some things that President Obama could accomplish immediately, solely by executive action, to allow existing America's immigration laws to help create jobs:

• Restore Self-Sponsorship for Working Owners. Since 2010, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) has prevented foreign entrepreneurs from receiving an H-1B visa (for workers in specialty occupations).  The agency took this action notwithstanding four precedent decisions, Matter of Aphrodite Investments Limited (1980), Matter of Tessel (1980), Matter of Allan Gee, Inc. (1979) and Matter of M--  (1958), that allowed a foreign citizen to incorporate a business and use the entity to sponsor the individual's work visa or green card.  The President could easily order USCIS to withdraw the 2010 USCIS memorandum that abruptly strayed from precedent decisions, as the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA) has urged. 
• Restore L-1A Function-Manager Eligibility. The Immigration Act of 1990 (IMMACT) allows managers of essential corporate functions to qualify for an L-1A work visa (for intracompany transferees) and a first preference green card (for multinational managers).  Before IMMACT, only managers of personnel could be granted these benefits.  USCIS routinely denies function-manager requests by claiming that the person does not manage the particular function but primarily performs the function.  This interpretation has rendered the function-manager category a dead letter.  Congress had no need to create the function manager classification in IMMACT if subordinate personnel were to be required to perform the function (so that the function manager could manage it) since a people-manager category already existed. To offer a simple example, a corporate controller under the current USCIS interpretation cannot qualify as a function manager unless the person manages other people -- something that controllers rarely do. The President can easily remedy this mistaken interpretation by instructing USCIS that managers of key corporate components and functions are eligible for function-manager designation even if the individual also performs the function.  This would allow foreign entrepreneurs to create new U.S. businesses and start creating jobs for U.S. workers right away.
• Restore L-1B Specialized-Knowledge Eligibility. The USCIS Office of Public Outreach got an earful of criticism last week from stakeholders urging the agency to revert to longstanding interpretations of eligibility for an L-1B intracompany transferee visa under the specialized knowledge subcategory. In the teleconference, callers explained that the L-1B had been properly interpreted for decades until 2008 when a non-precedent decision of the USCIS Administrative Appeals Office without warning dramatically restricted its interpretation of L-1B specialized knowledge. Here too, the President could swiftly help foreign entrepreneurs create American jobs by restoring their longstanding ability to send key workers with specialized knowledge to the United States. 
• Expand Schedule A to include “special-merit” foreign citizens.  The Department of Labor (DOL) under its Schedule A regulation has long allowed persons whose skills are in short supply to avoid the labor market test normally required and obtain an employment-based green card. Schedule A now includes registered nurses, physical therapists and persons of exceptional ability. Back in 2002, AILA asked the DOL but the agency refused to expand Schedule A by allowing "special-merit" foreign citizens to immigrate. AILA made this request because the normal labor market rules deprive a wide array of worthy aliens of any opportunity for PERM labor certification.  Individuals in the unwelcome category include investors, entrepreneurs and working owners, and foreign-born employees who are “so inseparable from the sponsoring employer because of his or her pervasive presence and personal attributes that the employer would be unlikely to continue in operations without the alien”.  Under orders from the President, the expanded use of Schedule A for these special-merit foreign citizens would allow fair consideration of deserving cases that have had little or no access to labor certification under the current system.
• Allow the filing (but not the approval) of green card applications before the visa quota is open. Today, because of quota backlogs and an unfair allocation system, a person born in India holding a university degree, whose employer's immigrant visa petition has been approved, may have to wait as much as 20 years before being allowed just to file a green card (adjustment of status) application. The wait is only marginally less for those born in China.  During that time, the person's spouse and working-age children ordinarily cannot work, and the children are at risk of "aging-out" -- reaching age 21 and thus losing green-card eligibility. What's worse, if the foreign worker loses his job in the meantime, the whole immigration sponsorship process (if the family involved has the stomach to pursue it) must go back to square one. As much as America may otherwise be attractive to foreign entrepreneurs and key workers, no sane person would find the risk and limitations of these waiting periods enticing.  In a New York minute, if he were so inclined, President Obama could make the wait more tolerable.  All he'd need to do is instruct USCIS to accept for filing adjustment applications for the beneficiaries of approved immigrant visa petitions and issue a rule freezing the dependent children's age as of the date of filing the green card application.  This way, in the interim until the quota is current, the spouse and working-age children could work or study, and the foreign employee would not be tempted to give up on America, return home and compete against us.

President Obama is no fool.  He understands the link between immigration, innovation and job creation, as he explained to the crowd in El Paso:

[O]ur laws discourage [foreign students educated in the U.S.] from using those skills to start a business or a new industry here in the United States. Instead of training entrepreneurs to stay here, we train them to create jobs for our competition. That makes no sense. In a global marketplace, we need all the talent we can attract, all the talent we can get to stay here to start businesses -- not just to benefit those individuals, but because their contribution will benefit all Americans. 

Look at Intel, look at Google, look at Yahoo, look at eBay. All those great American companies, all the jobs they've created, everything that has helped us take leadership in the high-tech industry, every one of those was founded by, guess who, an immigrant. (Applause.) 

So we don’t want the next Intel or the next Google to be created in China or India. We want those companies and jobs to take root here. (Applause.) Bill Gates gets this. He knows a little something about the high-tech industry. He said, “The United States will find it far more difficult to maintain its competitive edge if it excludes those who are able and willing to help us compete.” 

So immigration is not just the right thing to do. It’s smart for our economy. It’s smart for our economy. (Applause.) And it’s for this reason that businesses all across America are demanding that Washington finally meet its responsibilities to solve the immigration problem.

Why does the President wait for Congress to act when he has his executive pen in his pocket?  Why should immediate job creation be held hostage to Washingtonian impasse, when the job-eating immigration alligators under his control can be easily restrained?  I'm no politico, but it's politics, I suppose.